
Qass_ 



Book 



IOWA BIOGRAPHICAL SERIES 

EDITED BY BENJAMIN F. SHAMBAUGH 



WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 




WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 



IOWA BIOGRAPHICAL SERIES 

EDITED BY BENJAMIN F. SHAMBAUGH 



WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 



BY 



JOHN ELY BRIGGS 



THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF IOWA 
IOWA CITY IOWA 1919 






n. •« »• 

HUV 22 1913 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION 

It is Colonel William P. Hepburn's connec- 
tion with tlie constructive legislation and 
politics of tlie period from 1881 to 1909 that 
more than anything else entitles him to 
recognition in the Iowa Biographical Series. 
He is typical of the practical statesmen con- 
tributed by Iowa to the Nation during the 
half century following the Civil War. 

Benj. F. Shambaugh 

Office of the Superintendent and Editor 

The State Historical Society of Iowa 

Iowa City Iowa 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE 

The author counts it a rare privilege to have 
had the opportunity of writing the biography 
of a man so sterling in character and so rugged 
in personality, whose public career is a record 
of constructive achievement. It is hoped that 
in the pages which follow, the spirit of the man 
has been reflected as faithfully as his deeds 
have been recounted. 

The most important years of Colonel Hep- 
burn's public life were those during which he 
was a member of Congress ; and it is his own 
estimate that the Congressional Record con- 
tains everything worth while that he ever did. 
The debates in Congress and committee reports 
have, indeed, furnished most of the material on 
his attitude in regard to public questions. Fre- 
quent quotations have been made to lend an 
air of reality and contemporaneousness to the 
narrative and to make the personality and 
chracter of the man more vivid — though the 
written words lose much of their force without 
the strong voice, the fiery eye, and the emphatic 
gesture that accompanied their utterance. If 



CONTENTS 

I. The Beginning 1 

II. Preparing for Life 12 

III. At Home in Marsiialltown ... 19 

IV. Frontier Politics 23 

V. The County Seat Contest .... 29 

VI. District Attorney 36 

VII. The Call to Arms 48 

VIII. Campaigning in Missouri .... 54 

IX. The Eye of the Army 61 

X. Staff Duty 70 

XI. ]\Iilitary Operations about ^Iemphis 81 

XII. Read.justment in Civil Life ... 88 

XIII. First Election to Congress ... 99 

XIV. Opposition to Pork Barrel Legis- 

lation 107 

XV. An Advocate of Pensions .... 117 

XVI. State Politics 126 

XVII. Solicitor of the Treasltry . . . 147 

XVIII. Return to Congress 159 

XIX. The Currency Question .... 168 

XX. The Campaign of 1896 178 

XXI. Civil Service Reform 187 

xiii 



xiv CONTENTS 

XXII. Imperialism 194 

XXIII. The Isthmian Canal 200 

XXIV. The Election of 1904 223 

XXV. Trip to the Orient 235 

XXVI. Railroad Regulation 243 

XXVII. Pure Food 276 

XXVIII. The Progressive Movement . . . 288 

XXIX. The Rules of the House .... 309 

XXX. The End 328 

Notes and References 349 

Index 439 



PLATES 

William Peters Hepburn, from a photograph 
taken in 1913, at the age of eighty . frontispiece 

William Peters Hepburn, law student : age 

nineteen opposite 16 

Major William Peters Hepburn, Second Iowa 
Cavalry 1862 opposite 72 

William Peters Hepburn, member of Congress 
1881 opposite 108 

William Peters Hepburn, political leader 1908 

opposite 300 



The Beginning 

The year 1833 had nearly completed its cycle 
wlien on the fourth of November a boy, whom 
his mother named William Peters/ was born 
into the Hepburn family at Wellsville, Ohio. It 
is recorded that some United States dragoons, 
who had passed through Wellsville in August of 
that year, were not pleased with the smoky 
atmosphere which seemed to lend an appear- 
ance of gloom and wretchedness to the place: 
they did not appreciate the possibilities of a 
town which boasted of the best boat-landing on 
the Ohio River — that great highway of com- 
merce and the thoroughfare for explorers, 
pioneers, soldiers, and builders of common- 
wealths in the West, If the dragoons could 
have glimpsed the future, the smoke would 
have seemed prophetic of an industrial achieve- 
ment which was to become so powerful in later 
days as to match strength with the nation 
itself. Across the river lay the hills of Virginia 
— a land of bondage. Such was the first 
environment of one destined to follow the river 
aw^ay to the frontier, to fight for the freedom of 



2 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

a race, and to hold a high place in the councils 
of his country as it grappled with the problems 
of big business.^ 

Crudely constructed with the tools and mate- 
rial at hand, the house in which the Hepburns 
lived at Wellsville was probably not unlike 
many another to be found among the settlements 
which sprang up in the woods and along the 
streams of the Ohio Valley. Doubtless during 
the cold winter months that followed the fall of 
1833 the boy's mother and grandmother were 
at some pains to keep out the icy winds which 
whistled about the gables and threatened to nip 
the tender skin of the little one within. But it 
was not in the Scotch and Irish nature of the 
boy to succumb to inclement weather : the blood 
that stirred in his veins was the blood of gener- 
ations of soldiers and pioneers. 

As William grew and came to understand 
what he was told, his mother and grandmother 
no doubt talked to him of his father and related 
tales from their own eventful lives. They told 
the boy that his father, James S. Hepburn, had 
died of a fearful disease called cholera in far 
away New Orleans nearly six months before he, 
William, was born. William's sister Fannie 
remembered the sunny smile of their father and 
his gaiety when he played with his children. 
He was born, they said, on the Bowery in New 
York City on the first day of the nineteenth 



THE BEGINNING 3 

century. When a lad only fourteen years of 
age he was sent to the military academy at 
"West Point to be trained as a soldier ; and there, 
five years later, he graduated, ranking seven- 
teenth in a class of twenty-nine. 

As a second lieutenant of artillery James S. 
Hepburn had seen service in many parts of the 
country, being stationed at one time in Florida, 
and again at Old Fort Pitt. It was at Fort Pitt 
in 1822 that he had married AVilliam's mother, 
the beautiful sixteen year old daughter of 
Hanson Catlett, an army surgeon who had 
sailed against the Barbary pirates and fought 
in the Indian wars.^ 

Sometimes in the evening when William 
climbed into his grandmother's lap she w^ould 
tell the story of her wedding journey on horse- 
back all the way from Louisville, Kentucky, to 
St. Louis where her husband inspected the 
Lewis and Clark Expedition in 1804. Or per- 
chance she would relate a tale of fine ladies, of 
whom she herself — Minerva Lyon Catlett, the 
daughter of Matthew Lyon and wife of Hanson 
Catlett — was one of the most popular in the 
national capital when James Madison w^as 
President; and she would show her grandson a 
silver spoon, the exact counterpart of the set 
she had helped Dolly Madison select for the 
White House after the fire in 1814. 

Again grandmother Catlett must have told 



4 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

William that his mother had been born at Fort 
Washington on the Potomac River and had 
been named Ann Fairfax Catlett in honor of 
her aunt Ann Fairfax, daughter of Bryan Fair- 
fax, the friend of George Washington; and how 
as a child little Miss Catlett had been taken on 
long trips through the forests, had learned in 
St. Louis to speak French before she knew 
English, had been trained in convent schools, 
and when the Americans were routed at 
Bladensburg and the city of Washington was 
burned by the British in 1814 she had been left 
in a closet by her schoolmistress all one night 
and a day.* 

Perhaps there were also stories, dimly re- 
membered, of a great grandfather, Matthew 
Lyon, who when only a boy of fifteen ran away 
from his home in Ireland and came to America. 
In the Revolutionary War he had fought with 
Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain boys of 
Vermont. For ten years a member of the legis- 
lature of Vermont his services during the 
formative years of that State were second only 
to those of the first Governor, Thomas Chitten- 
den, whose daughter he married. Not satisfied 
with the life of a politician alone, Matthew 
Lyon had founded the town of Fair Haven, 
Vermont; erected there some iron works; built 
paper and grist mills; and established a news- 
paper in opposition to the Federalists. 



THE BEGINNING 5 

Later Matthew Lyon had been sent to Con- 
gress — two terms as a representative of 
Vermont and four terms by a Kentucky con- 
stituency. Thrown into prison upon a charge 
of contempt for President John Adams, he was 
■sdndicated by being reelected to Congress while 
still in jail. Just before he died in his seventy- 
third year, after completing a journey of over 
three thousand miles alone through the forests 
and on the rivers of the Southwest, he was 
elected Delegate to Congress from the Terri- 
tory of Arkansas.^ 

As the years went by William Hepburn 
developed into a slender lad. He grew accus- 
tomed to the rugged hills and the great river 
flowing away to the south. Through the fog 
that hung over the water in the morning he 
often heard the shouts of the river men on the 
boats that plied the stream, laden with grain 
and produce for the eastern markets. Many of 
the barges belonged to his step-father, George 
S. Hampton, a prosperous commission merchant 
in Wellsville. Occasionally William was per- 
mitted to go down to the landing where he 
made the acquaintance of the rough, good- 
natured boatmen. From them he learned the 
lore of the river. He listened with bated breath 
to the pathetic story of Logan, the famous old 
Mingo chieftain whose brother, sister, and 
mother had all been killed by the white men 



6 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

just over tlie hills near the mouth of Yellow 
Creek. And his eyes would flash with sjanpathy 
as he listened to the story of Chief Logan's 
eloquent message to Lord Dunmore. There 
was one, like many another schoolboy since, to 
"mourn for Logan ".^ 

When the country was gripped bt the money 
stringency in 1837, followed by the faijji re of 
crops in 183 ^George S. Hampton found his 
commission business ruined. He thereupon de- 
cided to emigrate to Iowa and try his hand at 
farming. Having purchased for ninety dollars 
a half section of land near Iowa City, the new 
capital of the Territory of Iowa, he sent his 
brother-in-law, Columbus Catlett, io bring the 
family, including Mrs. Hanson Catlett, to the 
new home. Early in the spring of 1841 they 
set out on board a steamboat down the Ohio 
Eiver bound for a distant land. 

Many weary days ensued. For William the 
monotony of the limited attractions on the boat 
was relieved by the sights along the shore. 
Gradually the familiar hills gave way to broad 
flat reaches of country, while the forests of 
Ohio and Indiana were forgotten in the view of 
the sky-bounded prairies of southern Illinois. 
Old landmarks were pointed out to the eager 
boy by his mother and grandmother. Past 
Wheeling, Marietta, Cincinnati, Louisville, and 
numberless sandbars the steamer followed the 



THE BEGINNING 7 

devious channel. Great was the excitement on 
board when the boat swept out into the broad 
Mississippi and churned upstream to St. Louis. 
It was sometime in April when the little party- 
disembarked at Bloomington (now Muscatine), 
Iowa, and made the long journey to Iowa City 
by wagon. There w^ere no bridges over the 
streams and only a few scattered cabins along 
the road.'^ 

To a small log cabin built in the timber along 
Turkey Creek in what is now Newport Town- 
ship in Johnson County Mr. Hampton con- 
ducted his family. He, like many another 
early settler, believed that forest land was the 
only sort capable of producing grain ; and there 
the pioneers chopped, sawed, grubbed, and 
prayed that their neighbors who had settled on 
the prairie would not freeze or starve. A 
veritable outpost of civilization was this little 
home in which William Hepburn was to spend 
a part of his boyhood. Long afterward he said 
that there were at that time not five thousand 
white families farther west in the United States. 
From the cabin in which he lived a person, 
moving westward to the Missouri River, * 'would 
have traveled without the sight of the smoke 
from a single chimney."^ 

One season of agricultural experience con- 
vinced George S. Hampton that he would never 
be a successful farmer. Fortunately he secured 



8 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

a position as transcribing clerk in the Council 
of the first Legislative Assembly that met in 
Iowa City in December, 1841.^ In the preceding 
June he had sold to his mother-in-law the half 
section on which he had originally settled, and 
in September had taken a claim on a half 
section about three miles east. In March, 1842, 
he paid fifty dollars for a hundred and sixty 
acres located a mile south of Mrs. Catlett's 
land. Hanson Hepburn, the oldest son, assumed 
the management of the latter farm when his 
step-father found more congenial employment 
in town. William soon went to live with his 
grandmother and his uncle Columbus on the 
adjacent claim. ^^^ 

Many a night the wolves howled dismally 
around the house ; and it was often necessary to 
get out of bed and frighten the bold marauders 
away with a fire brand. But one night, in spite 
of all William's efforts, the wolves carried 
away his pet pig. To assuage the boy's grief, 
the pig was replaced with a puppy; but the 
little dog also caused trouble. One day it ran 
under the house and William, boy-like, crawled 
after. He caught his clothes on a nail, and 
turn or twist as he might he could not get loose. 
What must have been his anguish as he lay 
there, wondering if his uncle would tear down 
the house to save him when houses were few 
and boys comparatively plentiful !^^ 



THE BEGINNING 9 

In those days it was no small matter to start 
a fire ; so an ash-covered log was kept bnrning 
in the fireplace. But occasionally the glowing 
embers would die, and then it fell to William to 
run to his mother's house more than a mile 
away to fetch a brand and kindle the blaze 
again. Sometimes the pluck of the lad was 
severely tested when the trip was made after 
dark through woods full of wild animals and 
perhaps a roving band of Indians. These 
experiences, however, served to cultivate a 
venturesome temperament that stood him in 
good stead when later he came to be thrown 
upon his own resources. 

Stimulated by long-standing companionship, 
a warm affection grew up between William 
Hepburn and his grandmother. Many hours 
they spent on the Sabbath singing together the 
hymns in the old Methodist hymn book brought 
from Ohio. That the boy was taught to cherish 
a devout reverence for the Deity is apparent 
from his recollection of regular church attend- 
ance one hundred and four times a year. It 
must be admitted, however, that he sometimes 
failed to attend strictly to the sermon. Indeed, 
if the minister should be found wanting in 
ideas young Hepburn w^as wont to preach his 
own sermon. Years later he expressed his ob- 
ligation to those early clerg^mien for teaching 
him to think amid noise and distraction,^- 



10 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Both George S. Hampton and his wife were 
cultured people to whom the privations of fron- 
tier farm life must at times have been a trying 
experience, not only on account of the physical 
inconvenience but because of the meager educa- 
tional opportunities for their children, since 
there were no schools in the country. At all 
events the third summer on the farm had 
scarcely passed before the family moved to 
Iowa City, and there in October, 1843, Mrs. 
Hampton was engaged as instructor of the 
"female department" of the Mechanics' Acad- 
emy. Most of her salary of one hundred dollars 
for twenty-two weeks was spent in paying the 
tuition of her own children. Here, under the 
tutelage of Hugh and William Hamilton,^^ 
William P. Hepburn attended school for the 
first time in his life. 

Iowa City even then was abundantly blessed 
with higher educational institutions. Follow- 
ing elementary work in the Mechanics' Acad- 
emy, William attended a private school taught 
by Dr. William Reynolds whom he remembered 
as an accomplished gentleman willing to use 
the ferule to stimulate the memory of his 
pupils. At another time he was enrolled in 
Iowa City College of which James Harlan was 
the principal and faculty. There he completed 
the study of Colburn's mental arithmetic — a 
discipline of incalculable value in later years. ^* 



THE BEGINNING 11 

Going to school, however, occupied only a few 
short periods during four or five years. The 
greater part of William's time was taken up 
with the usual round of boyish activities. When 
the circus came to town he rode triumphantly 
at the head of the procession beside the elephant 
because early in the morning he had found the 
caravan on the wrong side of a swollen stream 
and had volunteered to act as guide. The 
Cadets of Temperance, an organization of boys 
pledged not to use intoxicating liquor or to- 
bacco, chose him as Royal Archon — the highest 
officer. It was at this time that William was 
nicknamed "Pete" by the other boys to dis- 
ting-uish him from his step-brother and boon- 
companion, William Hampton. The name stuck 
to him all through life: even on the floor of 
Congress he was known as "Pete" Hepburn.^^ 

By no means all of the lad's time out of 
school w^as spent in play. When he w^as ten 
years old he worked seven months in the Berry- 
hill Brothers' general store for which he re- 
ceived twenty-one dollars. In June, 1847, at 
the age of thirteen, "Pete" went to live with 
Judge John F. Kinney on a farm near West 
Point in Lee County. There he remained a 
year. Most of the time he w^orked manfully in 
the fields and helped with the chores, but dur- 
ing three months in the winter he went to school. 
Meanwhile he grew tall and bashful.^*^ 



II 

Peeparing for Life 

During the year that William Hepburn was in 
Lee County he returned to Iowa City for a 
short visit. This occurred at a time when his 
sister Catherine w^as recovering from a long 
illness during which she had made the acquaint- 
ance of Melvina Morsman, the nine year old 
daughter of Dr. M. J. Morsman. ^^ The two 
girls had planned to visit Mavor and Pamela 
Sanders who lived across Ralston Creek; but 
the distance was too far for the convalescent 
Catherine to walk. Arrangements for a horse 
and buggj^ were easily made ; but William, after 
the manner of boys of his age, required a great 
deal of coaxing and commanding before he 
would consent to act as driver. Rather un- 
graciously he drove as far as the creek and 
then, pointing to the Sanders home on the 
opposite side, told the girls they could get out 
and walk the rest of the way. Such was the 
simple beginning of an acquaintance between 
Melvina Morsman and William Hepburn which 
culminated in more than sixty years of married 
life.i« 

12 



PREPARING FOR LIFE 13 

It was not long after this incident that 
William was persuaded to learn the printer's 
trade. A place was made for him in the com- 
posing room of the Republican — an Iowa City- 
newspaper owned by Samuel M. Ballard with 
James Harlan as a contributing editor. For 
three years he worked steadily setting type for 
sound Whig editorials and vituperative attacks 
upon neighboring newspapers. At the end of 
that time he was a journeyman printer capable 
of earning ten dollars a week as pressman for 
the Capitol Reporter — the Democratic organ 
published at Iowa City. 

Thoroughly grounded in the rudiments of the 
English language and well informed in history 
and the political doctrines of the time, William 
P. Hepburn always regarded the printing office 
as the best school he ever attended. There is a 
note of democratic pride in his own concise 
description of his early training: ''educated in 
the schools of the Territory and in a printing 
office". He was always pleased to be referred 
to as an artisan, a man who had served an 
apprenticeship and had learned a trade. ^^ 

Whatever may have been William's plans for 
the future, his mother was ambitious to have 
him study law. Living almost in the shadow of 
the Old Stone Capitol where the eminent men 
of the State were accustomed to assemble, 
listening often to the debates in the legislature, 



14 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

and attending sessions of the Supreme Court — 
of which his step-father was clerk and to the 
bar of which was attracted the best legal talent 
of the country — William became interested in 
political questions and decided to acquiesce in 
his mother's wishes. As a boy he had been 
fond of reading anything he could find, and so 
the prospect of poring over law books was 
pleasing to him. It was with enthusiasm and 
determination that in the spring of 1853 he 
began to read Blackstone under the direction of 
William Penn Clarke.-*^ 

Fortunate indeed was the young law student 
who received his training in the office of 
William Penn Clarke, one of the most widely 
practiced and successful members of the Iowa 
bar. A hard task master whose creed was thor- 
oughness in the fundamentals of law, he also 
gave young Hepburn the advantage of his 
extensive acquaintance among politicians and 
lawyers — such men as James W. Grimes, 
Samuel J. Kirkwood, Henry W. Lathrop, 
Samuel F. Miller, C. C. Nourse, and Josiah B. 
Grinnell. Moreover, William Penn Clarke w^as 
a radical Free Soiler, chairman of the Kansas 
Central Committee of Iowa, and one of the 
secretaries of the first Republican convention 
at Pittsburgh in February, 1856. In such an 
atmosphere, and associated with the leading 
men of Iowa who were opposed to the extension 



PREPARING FOR LIFE 15 

of slavery, it is small wonder that "William P. 
Hepburn became a strong partisan of the new 
Republican party.-^ 

In September, 1853, he confided to Miss 
Morsman that he was ''getting to like the study 
of law better every day". By that time he had 
finished Starkle's Evidence and had begun 
reading Stephen's Pleading, and he was proud 
of his "clocklike regularity in attending to 
office hours. ' ' Sixty years later he recalled that 
he had been accustomed to spend at least five 
hours each morning in close application to 
reading law; in the afternoon he took care of 
the office until four o'clock; and then the study 
of Latin occupied him for two hours. The 
evenings were devoted to the reading of history 
and poetry. When Mr. Clarke had cases in 
courts outside of Iowa City he took his young 
assistant along to help in the trials.-- 

Tall, erect, and very slender, William P. 
Hepburn at the age of nineteen was an un- 
usually handsome young man. A very fair 
complexion was accentuated by his wavy black 
hair and dark, deep-set eyes under heavy black 
eyebrows. His features were clean-cut and 
regular: a straight nose, full cheeks, and a 
square chin. Endowed with grace and tact it is 
not surprising that he was popular with the 
young people of Iowa City. His letters to 
Melvina Morsman — "Melly" as he liked to call 



16 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

her — tell of the parties and balls he attended 
and relate the amorons adventures of their 
friends. ^^ 

Sometime in the summer of 1854 when young 
Hepburn was in Illinois he chanced to meet 
Van H. Higgins of Chicago. Pleased with the 
appearance of the young man and confident of 
his ability, Mr. Higgins suggested that he be 
examined for admission to the bar. The exam- 
ining committee reported favorably; and nearly 
four months before he was twenty-one years of 
age William P. Hepburn received the certificate 
which entitled him to practice law in Illinois. 
Almost immediately he was invited to accept a 
position as bookkeeper in the firm of Higgins, 
Beckwith, and Strother,-^ receiving as compen- 
sation his necessary expenses. This seemed to 
be an exceptional opportunity and in the latter 
part of September, just after his betrothal to 
Melvina Morsman had been announced, the 
young lawyer found himself in Chicago ''build- 
ing air castles" in his dreams and "peopling 
them with fairies ' ' which would always take the 
form and name of ''Melly".^^ 

Mr. Higgins, whom Hepburn described as 
"rather a large man, but a very handsome one", 
received his new assistant in a kindly manner; 
while Mrs. Higgins and her daughter Hattie 
were as cordial as old friends in their greetings. 
It was not long before William felt at home in 




HILLIA.M PETERS HEPBURN" 



PEEPARING FOR LIFE 17 

his strange surroundings. He lived on the lake 
shore with people he had known in Iowa City. 
Chicago was then an over-grown town of sixty- 
five thousand population with badly kept, ill- 
lighted streets, any amount of mud, and a dirty 
river in which the current was scarcely per- 
ceptible. Hepburn's opinion of the elite people 
of Chicago was no more flattering than the city 
was attractive. At the first party he attended 
he did not ''recollect hearing a sensible re- 
mark", although there was a "great deal of 
delightful music. ' ' -^ 

Early in the summer of 1855 William Hep- 
burn was once more in Iowa City among the 
friends of his boyhood. Although he had re- 
mained less than a year with the firm of 
Higgins, Beckwith, and Strother, he apparently 
succeeded in gaining the confidence of the law- 
yers and business men of Chicago ; and so when 
he began to practice law in Iowa he became the 
agent of many of the Chicago firms doing busi- 
ness in his section of the country. On June 13, 
1855, he was admitted to the Iowa bar and later 
in the same month he accepted the position of 
deputy clerk of Johnson County, in which office 
he remained until the middle of August, receiv- 
ing as compensation all fees collected.^'^ 

Happy in the prospect of being married in a 
few months and enjoying a comfortable job, the 
summer of 1855 was a very pleasant one for the 



18 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

young attorney. Being at leisure for a few 
weeks he was glad to accompany his friends 
Edgar and Edmond Harrison on a trip through 
some of the adjoining counties. A fortnight 
later he returned with his face swollen and dis- 
figured, afflicted with an acute case of sore eyes 
(purulent ophthalmia). But the weeks during 
which he was confined to a darkened room were 
transformed into a period of felicity by the 
tender solicitude of his girlish sweetheart. 
During those dark days the affection between 
Melvina A. Morsman and William P. Hepburn 
deepened, so that their marriage on October 7, 
1855, while the groom was still compelled to 
wear colored glasses, marked only the begin- 
ning of a love that grew deeper and more stead- 
fast through all the years that followed.-^ 



Ill 

At Home in Marshalltown 

Situated on liigli ground overlooking the Iowa 
River, Marslialltown in 1856 was entering upon 
the third year of its history. The town had 
been founded by Henry Anson, a man of re- 
markable energy, who foresaw the possibilities 
of the location and worked incessantly to make 
the enterprise successful. So when William P. 
Hepburn was looking for a home and a suitable 
place in which to begin the practice of law, Mr. 
Anson, who was a friend of the Morsman family, 
offered to give Mrs. Hepburn a piece of land if 
they would settle in the new town. To the 
young attorney and his wife this seemed to be a 
splendid opportunity, and so in February, 1856, 
they packed their household possessions and 
drove nearly one hundred miles across country 
to the frontier village.-" 

In turning their faces westward to seek for- 
tune on the frontier this newly married couple 
followed the example and kept up the tradition 
of their parents and grandparents. In 1856 
there were only a few scattered settlements in 
Marshall County, while in Marslialltown there 

19 



20 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

were less than a score of dwellings. Thus far 
had moved the van of the hosts that won the 
West. To those who dared there was a chance 
to live in a land ''where the world is in the 
making", to find a home where "a man makes 
friends without half trying".^^ Although the 
residents of Marshalltown were few they were 
very jealous of the new community they sought 
to foster: each new settler was greeted with 
whole-hearted hospitality. It was a hearty wel- 
come that "Pete" Hepburn and his wife re- 
ceived on their arrival. 

With the proceeds from the sale of some land 
which Mr. Hepburn had purchased with savings 
during the last year of apprenticeship as a 
printer^ ^ he bought enough material to build a 
small cottage. For several weeks he was busy 
hauling the lumber from Iowa City and then 
the construction of his house began. The build- 
ing contained three rooms with a tiny porch in 
front. As one of the neighbors remarked, it 
had the appearance of a coffee mill with the 
drawer partially pulled out. Small as it was, 
however, there were few families in Marshall- 
town who possessed a better dwelling than the 
Hepburns, and although in after years they 
lived in larger and finer houses there were none 
with which they were so completely satisfied. 
Long before the residence was finished the 
young housekeepers moved in, and many even- 



AT HO:\rE IN MARSHALLTOWN 21 

ings William Hepburn migiit have been found 
nailing on lath by the light of a tallow-dip 
candle held by his wife?- 

Almost as soon as he arrived in Marshall- 
town, Hepburn found an occasion to practice 
his profession. The landlord of the tavern at 
which he stayed before his own house was built 
became his first client, and the case was a con- 
troversy over the sum of eight dollars. The 
amount of money involved, however, was no 
indication of the bitterness of the contest and 
the successful issue of the case brought as much 
satisfaction to the young practitioner as any of 
his later cases in which there was more at 
stake.^^ 

Those who read the newspapers of Iowa City 
in the summer of 1856 must have noticed that 
William P. Hepburn had located in Marshall- 
town and was prepared to act as an attorney, 
counsellor at law, and general land agent. He 
announced that he would make collections and 
secure claims "throughout the State", while 
conveyances "of all kinds" would receive 
prompt attention. It may be assumed that a 
large part of a lawyer's business in a country 
recently opened to settlers had to do with the 
location and sale of land. Until the middle of 
June, 1856, it seems that Mr. Hepburn cooper- 
ated with his step-father in the land agency 
business — at least he advertised that his Iowa 



22 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

City headquarters were in Powell's block where 
George S. Hampton had his real estate office. 
Later in the summer he formed a partnership 
with William Bremner, a man educated in 
engineering and the law wdio had removed to 
Marshalltown from New Hampshire.^'* 

The law practice yielded a comfortable in- 
come from the start, and although Mr. Hepburn 
still suffered from weak eyes he w^as able to 
conduct his business with good success. Mrs. 
Hepburn helped in the preparation of cases by 
reading aloud from the law on the subject. 
Pleasant indeed were those months of close 
companionship when the young couple first felt 
the joy of achievement and the brightness of 
the future was dimmed by no cloud of trouble.^^ 



IV 

Frontiek Politics 

Political affairs in the West between tlie years 
1854 and 1856 were in a state of constant tur- 
moil. Agitated beyond measure by the Kansas- 
Nebraska Act, men who had borne life-long 
allegiance to the old political parties grew rest- 
less and sought new affiliations in opposition to 
the extension of slavery. In Iowa many citizens 
were seriously affected by the anarchy in 
Kansas and Nebraska, and the feeling against 
the slave power grew more and more bitter. 

Out of the common opposition to the exten- 
sion of human bondage emerged the Republican 
party. Simultaneously with the meeting of the 
first national Republican convention at Pitts- 
burgh on the anniversary of Washington's 
birthday in 1856, there convened in Iowa City 
an assemblage of about four hundred "free 
citizens" representing nearly every part of 
Iowa. Pledged to the task of making ' ' slavery 
sectional, and liberty national" these men 
undertook the organization of a Republican 
party in this State.^*' 

Having been intimately associated for several 

23 



24 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

years witli men who thoroughly hated slavery, 
this convention must have stirred the emotions 
of William P. Hepburn.^ ^ There in the hall of 
the House of Representatives in the Old Stone 
Capitol were men of every political creed, con- 
vened for the high purpose of resisting the 
spread of slavery. In that gathering were 
many friends of the young attorney. S. M. 
Ballard, from whom he had learned the print- 
er's trade, had journeyed from far off Audubon 
County in the midst of winter. There was J. B. 
Grinnell of Poweshiek County, the co-worker 
with William Penn Clarke in behalf of unhappy 
Kansas. Among the delegates of Johnson 
County were S. J. Hess, county clerk when 
Hepburn was deputy; C. H. Berryhill, his boy- 
hood employer in a general store; and Tom 
Hughes, friend of the printing office days. In 
an inconspicuous place sat Samuel J. Kirk- 
wood, clad in the labor stained garments of the 
farm and mill; w^hile Governor James W. 
Grimes, father of the convention, might have 
been seen occasionally.^^ 

As Hepburn listened to a lucid statement of 
the principles of Republicanism written by 
Senator James Harlan to Henry W. Lathrop, 
he may have had a vision of the future great- 
ness of the new political party that was there 
being founded. He may have thought of the 
portent of the larger convention in Pittsburgh 



FEONTIER POLITICS 25 

where his friend William Penn Clarke at that 
moment was acting as a temporary secretary. 
Captivated with the sound logic and forceful 
oratory of man after man who took the floor to 
renounce allegiance to the old parties and advo- 
cate the limitation of slave territory, William P. 
Hepburn's political affections were fixed for a 
lifetime in this first Republican convention in 
lowa.^*' 

From the date of the convention at Iowa City, 
Hepburn was counted among the ardent sup- 
porters of the new party. Later in the year 
when the time came for the first meeting of the 
Republican orga^iization in Marshalltown it was 
he who wrote the notices. Encouraged by the 
responses of the people, county and district 
conventions were held to select party candi- 
dates, and before he had lived five months in 
Marshall County the young lawyer found him- 
self nominated for the office of prosecuting 
attorney, and on August 4, 1856, he was elected 
for a term of two years. Thus at the age of 
twenty-three he was giving ''legal advice to the 
state and county officers" and appearing as 
counsel "for the state and county .... in 
the district or county courts in his county". 
For these services ''his whole compensation" 
was an "annual salary" amounting to $200.^*^ 
As a prosecuting attorney Mr. Hepburn seems 
to have met with indifferent success. Without 



26 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

an extensive education in the law he was no 
match for such experienced lawyers as Enoch 
W. Eastman and Marcellus M. Crocker. In 
February, 1858, he was sure that he 'Svould 
have been quite as successful" if he had 
''learned practical engineering, instead of 
spending two or three years in acquiring the 
rudiments of a profession". Three months 
later the judge of Marshall County, who was at 
odds with Hepburn, declared that the prose- 
cuting attorney had "failed to establish one 
State case in ten for nearly two years," and had 
lost sometimes ''fifteen suits in succession".**^ 

Whatever may have been "Pete" Hepburn's 
attainments in the office of prosecuting attorney 
his work in the ranks of the Republican party 
received favorable notice. When the Sixth 
General Assembly convened in Iowa City, De- 
cember 1, 1856, George D. Woodin of Johnson 
County proposed the name of William P. Hep- 
burn for the office of assistant clerk of the 
House of Representatives. Philip B. Bradley, 
secretary of the Senate in the Third and Fifth 
General Assemblies, was nominated in opposi- 
tion. When the roll was called Mr. Hepburn 
received the endorsement of all the thirty- 
nine Republicans present, while there were only 
seventeen votes for the Democratic candidate. ^^ 

As he performed the duties of his office 
Hepburn gained experience in legislative meth- 



FRONTIER POLITICS 27 

ods and observed the maneuvers of tlie poli- 
ticians. There also on the floor of the House of 
Representatives the prominent members of the 
Republican party became familiar with the 
voice and figure of the young attorney. That he 
was esteemed and respected by his associates 
may be assumed from the fact that after the 
Sixth General Assembly had adjourned he was 
appointed by Governor Grimes as one of the 
men to investigate the accounts of a number of 
the county school fund commissioners.^^ 

On January 11, 1858, the Seventh General 
Assembly met in the Old Brick Capitol at Des 
Moines. William P. Hepburn was appointed 
chief clerk pro tempore without opposition. In 
the election of permanent officers the following- 
day, the Republican candidate for the office of 
chief clerk was Benjamin F. Jones, a man se- 
lected chiefly for his political influence in the 
northeastern part of the State. As chief clerk, 
however, Mr. Jones was incompetent, and at the 
end of the first week he tendered his resignation. 

When the Republican caucus met to choose a 
new chief clerk Mr. Hepburn was nominated in 
preference to at least two formidable compet- 
itors — George G. Lyon of the Dubuque Times 
and Charles C. Nourse, chief clerk of the House 
in the Fifth General Assembly and secretary of 
the Senate in the Sixth General Assembly. In 
his own words the nomination was "a triumph 



28 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

of the most desirable kind. My opponents were, 
two of them, at least men of position in the 
party, and known to be experienced and efficient 
officers. Indeed Nourse is said to be 'the best 
clerk in the west. ' Besides this, the speaker of 
the House lives but 25 miles from our town & 
the assistant Clerk is from Poweshiek County 
which of course would operate against the 
chances of one who lived so near them. Yet in 
the face of this formidable opposition after dis- 
charging all of the duties for a week, giving 
every one a fair opportunity to judge of my 
competency I was nominated by a vote of 28, to 
13 received by all the other candidates." The 
House endorsed the action of the Republican 
caucus on January 18, 1858.^^ 

Arduous indeed was the work of the chief 
clerk. Besides keeping the journal of the 
House it was his duty to read the bills, a task 
rendered difficult not onl}^ by the acoustic prop- 
erties of the hall but enhanced by the necessity 
of first deciphering the handwriting. Further- 
more, the assistant clerks were none too efficient 
— not nearly as good, Mr. Hepburn declared, 
as his wife had been during the previous ses- 
sion. But however difficult the situation proved 
to be, the chief clerk earned an enviable repu- 
tation during the Seventh General Assembly 
and from that time he took a prominent place 
in the Republican party organization.^^ 



The County Seat Contest 

Intense loyalty characterized the people who 
lived in Marshalltown. There was some talk in 
the Seventh General Assembly, probably insti- 
gated by Marshalltown, of fixing the site of the 
State capital at that place. Althongh the cap- 
ital had been permanently located at Des Moines 
both by statnte law and constitutional provi- 
sion, a resolution was introduced to remove the 
seat of government to Marshalltown. The 
proposition was immediately referred to the 
committee on charitable institutions and no 
more was heard on the subject.^*'' 

While William P. Hepburn, the clerk of the 
House of Representatives, probably had little 
to do with the capital removal scheme, he did 
not neglect local interests. In the settlement of 
newly created counties in Iowa, it was a com- 
mon experience for two or more rival com- 
munities to quarrel over the location of the 
county seat. Marshall County was no excep- 
tion, and the young attorney at Marshalltown 
took a leading part in the contest. 

In April, 1856, within two months after Hep- 

29 



30 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

burn had moved to Marshall County, the people 
voted by a majority of one hundred and thirty- 
four against changing the county seat from 
Marietta to Marshalltown. Decisive as this 
action seemed, it only served to spur the pro- 
moters of Marshalltown interests to greater ef- 
forts. With the expenditure of an enormous 
amount of labor a brick courthouse was erected, 
and in the summer of 1857 — under the super- 
vision of Wells S. Rice of Marshalltown — the 
signatures of more than half of all the voters in 
Marshall County were obtained on a petition 
for a second election on the question of locating 
the seat of justice at Marshalltown. The poll 
was to be taken at the regular spring election 
on April 5, 1858.^"^ 

At this juncture all of Marshalltown 's hopes 
might have been shattered had it not been for 
the alert chief clerk of the House of Repre- 
sentatives. The Seventh General Assembly 
had scarcely been organized before the friends 
of Marietta undertook to postpone the election 
by an act of the legislature. On January 20th 
Hepburn wrote home the news that the "Mari- 
etta folks are trying to spring a trap upon us 
in the shape of an act to prevent votes to be 
taken except once in five years, — if it passes it 
will kill our town as sure as fate." He sent a 
letter posthaste by special messenger urging 
G. M. Woodburv and Henrv C. Henderson to 



COUNTY SEAT CONTEST 31 

start at once for Des Moines with documents to 
show the status of affairs in Marshall County. 
Although a bill to amend the law in relation to 
county seats was introduced toward the end of 
the session, it was referred to a special com- 
mittee of one member and forgotten. ^^ 

In the meantime the contest waged hotly in 
Marshall County. The friends of Marietta 
argued that it would be far better to allow the 
county seat to remain where it was than for the 
people to feel the ' ' severe pangs of heavy taxa- 
tion" in paying for the unfinished courthouse 
in Marshalltow^n. Others claimed for Marshall- 
town the advantages of a more suitable loca- 
tion, larger population, a better courthouse to 
be deeded to the county free of cost, and 
brighter prospects for the future. Charges of 
corruption and insincerity were answered by 
counter charges. While neither town was emi- 
nently qualified to be the county seat, it may be 
said that the Marshalltown people conducted 
their campaign with much greater tact and 
thoroughness. The result of the election was a 
majority of one hundred and five votes for Mar- 
shalltown.^^ 

Although the majority of the voters were in 
favor of relocating the county seat, there was 
no record that the judges of election in Marion, 
Le Grand, and Greencastle townships had been 
sworn, and so the board of canvassers rejected 



32 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

the returns from those townships, giving the 
victory to Marietta by fifty-seven votes. This 
action raised a storm of protest from Marshall- 
town and the townships from which the votes 
were not counted. Wells S. Rice brought the 
case before the district court during the spring 
term, and a w^rit of mandamus compelling the 
county judge to recanvass the returns was 
issued. Judge Smith filed a demurrer and ap- 
pealed to the Supreme Court.^*^ 

Then followed a bitter newspaper contro- 
versy between the county judge and the prose- 
cuting attorney. Hepburn wrote a long article 
filling four columns of the Central Journal 
(Albion) in which he charged William C.' Smith 
with perjury for taking an oath that a previous 
act was illegal. Declaring that Smith had vio- 
lated a. pledge to appoint one of the canvassers 
from Marshalltowm, he claimed that the rejec- 
tion of the poll books from three townships w^as 
intentional, willful, wicked, and illegal; and he 
concluded with some comments upon the per- 
sonal character of the county judge. To these 
accusations Judge Smith replied in his custom- 
ary manner. He began by announcing that "a 
certain miserable enviousness" together with 
"an increased arrogance and self-esteem, which 
he has acquired by reason of an office or two", 
had prompted the county attorney's article. 
After answering each charge of "this im- 



COUNTY SEAT CONTEST 33 

mature scion", he delivered Mr. Hepburn '*to 
the place for which his peculiar talents fit him, 
to-wit: an obscure oblivion. "^^ 

The case for Marshalltown was argued be- 
fore the Supreme Court by William Penn 
Clarke, with the assistance of Henry C. Hen- 
derson and William P. Hepburn; and on No- 
vember 6, 1858, the county judge was ordered 
to recanvass the election returns and to include 
the rejected votes from Marion, Le Grand, and 
Grreencastle townships. That the board of can- 
vassers had been empowered only to count the 
votes and not to judge of their validity was the 
chief ground upon which the court rested its 
decision.^2 

With the aid of two justices of the peace 
Judge Smith recanvassed the election returns 
on January 6, 1859 ; but since the writ of man- 
damus ordering the returns from all townships 
to be counted was directed only to the county 
judge, the two justices did not feel bound to 
include the votes from Marion, Le Grand, and 
Greencastle townships. And so Marietta was 
again declared to be the seat of justice — with 
Smith dissenting. 

The citizens of Marshalltown, however, were 
determined to have the county seat; and under 
the leadership of Rice, Anson, Henderson, and 
Hepburn they undertook to accomplish their 
desire. Five davs after the recanvass Judsre 



34 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Smith was induced to visit Marshalltown for 
the purpose of talking over the contest. The 
house of his father-in-law, Rev. C. Babcock, 
w^as crowded when he arrived. Hepburn had 
borrowed the poll books, and two justices of the 
peace were present. Believing his life was in 
danger, the judge canvassed the election returns 
for the third time, declared Marshalltown to be 
the county seat, and ordered the county records 
to be transferred from Marietta.^^^ 

The following morning a jubilant crowd, in- 
cluding the Bowen Guards and headed by 
Sheriff Harris and Attorney Hepburn, set out 
to remove the county records. But at Marietta 
the valiant band found the courthouse guarded 
by armed citizens. When the records were de- 
manded an injunction was produced restraining 
their removal, so the crestfallen Guards re- 
turned to Marshalltown and the county seat 
remained at Marietta. To a Toledo editor the 
whole affair seemed to be a ''war of folly, in 
which was exhibited, on the part of the aggres- 
sors, the most complete want of common sense 
and ordinary sagacity that it is possible to con- 
ceive, and in which nearly all classes were 
participants".^^ 

Three days after the canvass at Marshall- 
town it appears that Judge Smith issued to 
William Dishon twenty-six thousand dollars in 
county bonds with which to build a new court- 



COUNTY SEAT CONTEST 35 

house at Marietta. Here was more work for 
the lawyers. In the spring term of the district 
court Smith was enjoined from issuing bonds 
to erect a courthouse in a town not the county 
seat and an attachment was issued against him 
for contempt of court in not recanvassing ac- 
cording to instructions. Both cases were ap- 
pealed to the Supreme Court and both were 
decided against the county judge. The new 
courthouse was never built in Marietta, for 
the election returns of April 5, 1858, were 
officially recanvassed on December 29, 1859, and 
Marshalltown was declared to be the county 
seat. On the last day of December, 1859, the 
safe and records were loaded on an ox-sled and 
hauled away from Marietta.^ ^ 



VI 

District Attorney 

Life in central Iowa during the fifties pre- 
sented many difficulties to the venturesome 
people who sought a livelihood on the broad 
prairies. The railroads had penetrated only a 
few miles west of the Mississippi River and the 
wagon roads were scarcely more than trails 
along the streams and over the hills. Pioneer 
society was unconventional but cordial. Indeed, 
the whole atmosphere of the plains bespoke 
individuality and freedom. While the ambi- 
tious young man in the decade before the Civil 
War faced severe discomforts in the light of 
present-day conveniences, he was at the same 
time confronted with opportunities the like of 
which have never since been witnessed. In the 
field of politics the vigorous Republican party 
offered almost certain election to its candidates 
for public office. 

When the Republican convention of the elev- 
enth judicial district of Iowa met in Webster 
City on the seventeenth of August, 1858, 
William P. Hepburn was among the delegates 
from Marshall County .^*^ That he was one of 

36 



DISTRICT ATTORNEY 37 

the most prominent members of the party in 
the convention is apparent from the fact that 
he was made chairman of the committee on 
credentials and helped to select the central dis- 
trict committee. In the afternoon of the second 
day, when the informal ballot for the nomina- 
tion of district attorney was counted, it was 
found that Hepburn stood second in the list of 
candidates. The fourth ballot gave him a ma- 
jority of five votes and the nomination was 
declared unanimous. Upon being introduced to 
the convention the nominee was "greeted with 
a round of applause, after which he made a 
brief but appropriate speech, thanking the con- 
vention for the trust it had reposed in him and 
promised his best efforts in behalf of the cause 
in which he was enlisted. "^^ 

The Republicans were w^ell pleased with the 
candidate for the office of district attorney, 
"He is widely known as the popular clerk of 
the Lower House", wrote one staunch sup- 
porter. "Mr. Hepburn is a young man of fine 
personal qualities, good education and thor- 
oughly posted in his profession. Aside from 
this, he has few superiors as a general business 
man, which will add greatly to his efficiency in 
the discharge of the onerous duties of the posi- 
tion to which he is sure to be elected. He is 
widely known, and wherever he is known, he 
will secure more than his party strength. ' ' An 



38 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Iowa City newspaper averred that he exhibited 
''great promptness and energy of character," 
had "considerable experience in the criminal 
department of law", and was "known to pos- 
sess no bias or partiality for the violator of the 
law. ' ' It was thought that he would "prosecute 
with vigor and wisdom" and "keep the calen- 
dar clean." John A. Hull of Boonsboro, the 
Democratic candidate for the same office, was 
described as a "very clever fellow" who would 
never "set the Des Moines river on fire".-^^ 

One of the most notable events of the ensuing 
campaign occurred on the evening of September 
15th when the two candidates for the office of 
district attorney met at a political rally in 
Webster City. Hull accepted an invitation to 
give his views on the political topics of the day 
and "opened with a few pert witticisms". 
After a ' ' very long, rambling speech ' ', in which 
he attempted a "spread eagle panegyric", he 
"sat down completely exhausted." Mr. Hep- 
burn, it was said, "made a vigorous and telling 
speech." Thoroughly "posted both in State 
and National politics", he was "ready to meet 
a democrat on any topic." A characteristic 
which attracted attention was his "large fund 
of wit and anecdote" which he used "to ad- 
mirable advantage." 

Three days later Hull and Hepburn met 
again in a joint debate, this time at Boonsboro, 



DISTRICT ATTORNEY 39 

the home of Mr. Hull. For about an hour, 
accordiiiii- to a local newspaper, Mr. Hepburn 
^'held forth in such a strain of eloquence and 
argumentation as completely fascinated the 
whole audience. He defined the principles of 
the Republican party with singular clearness 
and perspicuity, and demonstrated their prac- 
tical utility with the logical conciseness of one 
thoroughly acquainted with his subject in all its 
parts." His discussion of national issues and 
the workings of State government demon- 
strated his '^ superiority over a majority of 
political leaders" and showed his "qualifica- 
tions as a public man". Apparently the ''keen, 
logical criticism" and the ''multiplied facts" 
in his speech were too much for his opponent, 
for it is recorded that Mr. Hull "hesitated, 
stammered, got puzzled, repeated things he had 
once said .... and at last sat down, ex- 
hausted, vexed, dispirited and quite discour- 
aged", having spoken, in the opinion of one 
who had heard him many times, more discred- 
itably than on any other occasion. 

These debates were fortunate for the Mar- 
shalltown attorney. Hitherto the voters out- 
side of his own county had been given little 
opportunity to judge of his ability, while his 
"Democratic friends had set him down as a 
'mere boy' "; but after the meetings with Hull 
it was declared that the result would be ' ' many 



40 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

converts to the Republican faith ' ' and Hepburn 
would "receive the votes of many Democrats 
despite all efforts to whip them in. "^^ 

"Pete" Hepburn closed his campaign by 
touring the district in company with Samuel J. 
Kirkwood, an "eloquent champion of Free- 
dom", John W. Cattell, the "Farmer Candi- 
date" for the office of State Auditor, and Jacob 
Butler, one of the "ablest and most popular 
speakers in the State. "'^^^ Meetings were sched- 
uled to be held at Marietta on September 29th, 
Eldora on September 30th, Iowa Falls on Oc- 
tober 1st, Webster City on October 2nd, Fort 
Dodge on October 4th, Homer on October 5th, 
Boonsboro on October 6th, and Nevada on 
October 7th. The chief burden of the speeches 
seems to have been the vindication of the party 
and the candidates from charges of extrava- 
gance and corruption. 

During the campaign Mr. Hepburn was ac- 
cused of malfeasance when he was a commis- 
sioner to investigate the accounts of the county 
school funds. His opponents said that he had 
received two hundred dollars "hush money" in 
the form of a loan without security from the 
school funds of Story County, in return for 
which it was alleged he did not report the de- 
falcation of the school fund commissioner of 
that county. In replying to these accusations 
Hepburn admitted that he had borrowed the 



DISTRICT ATTORNEY 41 

two hundred dollars; but he asserted that the 
loan had been secured by the signature of 
William Bremner and a mortgage on one hun- 
dred and twenty acres of land. Furthermore, 
he proved that he had reported the school fund 
commissioner of Story County to be a defaulter 
to the amount of a thousand dollars. At one of 
the meetings there were many Democrats pres- 
ent who ''felt that these vile slanders were made 
to recoil upon their inventors with telling and 
crushing effect. '"^^ 

On October 12, 1858, William P. Hepburn was 
elected to the office of district attorney by a 
majority of over four hundred votes. He be- 
gan his term of four years on the first day of 
the following January. Inasmuch as the office 
of district attorney, by virtue of a new law, had 
supplanted that of county prosecuting attorney, 
Mr. Hepburn found few unfamiliar duties to 
perform. Instead of representing the State 
and giving advice to the officers in only one 
county his jurisdiction extended over twelve 
counties. His annual salary was eight hundred 
dollars, and in addition he received fees to the 
amount of five dollars and ten dollars respec- 
tively for each conviction in cases of misde- 
meanor and felony.^2 

In the sparsely settled eleventh judicial dis- 
trict the sessions of the court were among the 
most enlivening events of the year.*^^ Not in- 



42 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

frequently as many as a score of attorneys from 
all parts of the State travelled the circuit to- 
gether. For mirth and good fellowship those 
were rare days. Feasting on buffalo meat, 
venison, squirrels, prairie chickens, and quail, 
bunking together in a common bedroom, and in 
the winter facing the stinging northwest wind 
as they journeyed from town to town, these 
men were privileged to obtain an extraordinary 
training in the midst of hardships. Sometimes 
in the summer Mrs. Hepburn accompanied her 
husband on the circuit, reading aloud from law, 
history, and fiction, while he drove across the 
prairie toward some distant object upon which 
he had fixed his gaze. 

Coming in active contact with lawyers who 
afterwards became congressmen, governors, 
and judges, the resources of the district attor- 
ney were severely taxed. The legal opposition 
of such men was a remarkable stimulus, how- 
ever, and before he had been in office six months 
Mr. Hepburn had become a favorite with the 
people wherever he was known. "Prompt, 
straightforward and judicious in the discharge 
of his duties, and not swerved an inch from the 
proper course by fear or favor", wrote a friend, 
''he probably has no superior in the District in 
point of fitness for the station to which such a 
flattering majority called him. "^^ 

During Hepburn's term as district attorney, 



DISTRICT ATTORNEY 43 

politics claimed an important share of Ms at- 
tention. He was one of the delegates who 
participated in the enthusiastic nomination of 
Samuel J. Kirkwood for Governor in 1859. 
Seldom in the history of Iowa has there been a 
more energetic campaign than the guberna- 
torial contest of that year. From the date of 
the State convention the most perfect harmony 
prevailed in the Republican party. The 
strength gained by a thorough organization and 
a pronounced anti-slavery candidate was supple- 
mented by the support of a host of eminent men. 
Hepburn was counted among the leaders who 
were loyal to Kirkwood, along with James Har- 
lan, James W. Grimes, John A. Kasson, James F. 
Wilson, Grenville M. Dodge, James B. Weaver, 
John H. Gear, and William B. Allison.*^'' 

When the Eighth General Assembly met on 
January 9, 1860, the political atmosphere of 
Iowa was electric with questions of finance, the 
promotion of railroad interests, and the regula- 
tion of the liquor traffic, while overshadowing 
all local issues was the cloud of slavery made 
more lowering by John Brown's attack on 
Harper's Ferry. Like a flash of lightning came 
Governor Kirkwood 's inaugural address de- 
nouncing the vacillating policies of the Demo- 
cratic administration as the ''moving causes" 
that led to the ''unlawful invasion" of Vir- 
ginia. ^*^ 



44 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Nine days after the General Assembly con- 
vened the Republican State convention assem- 
bled for the purpose of selecting delegates to 
the national convention. It was well that many 
of the delegates who gathered at Sherman's 
Hall in Des Moines on January 18, 1860, were 
men of unusual ability because upon them rest- 
ed the responsibility of choosing the Iowa 
delegation to the convention that nominated 
Abraham Lincoln. William P. Hepburn, who 
was at the capital in the interest of a railroad 
land grant, appeared as a delegate in the con- 
vention.*'^ While the members of the conven- 
tion were listening to the quaint remarks of 
John Johns, a picturesque trapper from Web- 
ster County, Mr. Hepburn was busy helping 
prepare the report of the committee on perma- 
nent organization. As soon as nine delegates- 
at-large were elected to represent Iowa in the 
Chicago convention, the roll of the judicial dis- 
tricts of the State was called and Hepburn was 
selected as one of the two delegates from the 
eleventh district. A resolution binding the 
delegation to vote as a unit in the national con- 
vention was rejected.*'^ 

It was on William H. Seward's sixtieth birth- 
day, May 16, 1860, that the national Repub- 
lican convention was called to order in the 
famous Chicago Wigwam. Shortly after noon 
William P. Hepburn was in his place on the 



DISTRICT ATTORNEY 45 

platform witli the other delegates, listening to 
the call of the convention and to the keynote 
speech by David Wilmot. Two days were con- 
sumed in appointing committees, electing 
officers, and adopting a party platform. Hep- 
burn's name appears in the proceedings only 
on the official roll as a certified delegate from 
Iowa. With many older and more prominent 
men present it is hardly to be expected that he 
should have served upon any of the committees 
or as an officer. 

Amid tremendous applause more wild and 
frantic than the yells of Comanche Indians the 
Presidential candidates were nominated during 
the forenoon of the third day. Just before the 
first ballot was taken William M. Stone arose 
"in the name of two-thirds of the delegation of 
Iowa, to second the nomination of Abraham 
Lincoln." Twice the roll of the States was 
called and there was no choice. Before the re- 
sult of the third ballot could be announced Ohio 
changed four votes to Mr. Lincoln — enough to 
give him the nomination. For a moment there 
was silence, then ' * arose a peal of human voices, 
a grand chorus of exultation", and a dozen men 
were on their chairs clamoring to cast the 
unanimous vote of their delegations for the 
Illinois rail-splitter. Iowa was among the num- 
ber, although the vote of Iowa delegates had 
been divided on all three ballots. Eight men 



46 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

voted for Seward from the first and there were 
never more than twenty-two for Lincohi/'^ 

The hope of the delegate who moved that the 
Chicago convention adjourn to meet at the 
White House on the following fourth of March 
was fulfilled by at least one Iowa member. 
Early in 1861 Mr. Hepburn contracted with 
eight or more counties in the eleventh judicial 
district to "proceed to the city of Washington, 
D. C. and there act as attorney and agent" of 
the various counties, using "all due diligence 
to secure to the State of Iowa, a title to all of 
the swamp and overflowed lands" lying within 
the counties of which he was the agent. For 
these services each county was to pay him from 
two hundred to four hundred dollars "in 
hand", and in addition sums varying from two 
hundred to eight hundred dollars, in proportion 
to the "amount of land, scrip, cash or its equiv- 
alent" that the agent was able to obtain. 

Accompanied by his wife, Mr. Hepburn set 
out for Washington in time to be present at the 
inauguration of Abraham Lincoln. Two years 
later he was still thinking of that "glorious 
trip" in 1861, and wondering "if a kind Provi- 
dence" would "ever permit it to be repro- 
duced". After spending about six weeks in 
the national capital it became evident that the 
negotiation of swamp land business was futile 
in view of the impending Civil War. Scarcely 



DISTRICT ATTORNEY 47 

had the district attorney returned to Marshall- 
town when the news arrived that Fort Sumter 
had fallen before the guns of the Confederate 
batteries.'*^ 



VII 

The Call to Arms 

Three months before President Lincoln called 
for seventy-five thousand volunteers to enforce 
the laws of the United States several military 
companies in Iowa had urged Governor Kirk- 
wood to accept their services in suppressing the 
insurrection. When the call came on April 16, 
1861, for one regiment of militia there was such 
a scramble of volunteers to be included in the 
First Iowa Infantry that men almost quarrelled 
w4th Governor Kirkwood because he could not 
accept more than ten companies. Toward the 
end of April the enthusiasm for enlistment was 
at its height: Kirkwood was confident that he 
could raise ten thousand men in twenty days. 
Not all of the people of Iowa, however, were as 
patriotic and as zealous as the Governor. In- 
deed, there were many persons along the south- 
ern border who were disposed to let those fight 
who favored war and would not listen to com- 
promise. There were others of southern de- 
scent who honestly believed that slavery was 
necessary.'^ ^ 

The call to arms could not but arouse the 

48 



CALL TO ARMS 49 

fighting spirit of William P. Hepburn in whose 
veins flowed the blood of three generations of 
soldier ancestry. On the other hand, he was 
confronted by the duty of caring for a wife and 
two small children ; he was already serving in a 
public capacity; and there were then more vol- 
unteers than the government could use. Be- 
sides, nearly all of his relatives were opposed 
to war, a circumstance which would have made 
his enlistment the subject of bitter criticism. 
Accordingly young Hepburn did not enlist im- 
mediately upon the first call.'- 

During the three months following the cap- 
ture of Fort Sumter, while the first regiment of 
Iowa Volunteer Cavalry and the first seven 
regiments of Iowa Volunteer Infantry were be- 
ing organized, Hepburn continued to perform 
his customary duties as district attorney. Then 
came the disaster at Bull Run on Sunday the 
twenty-first of July. Mr. Hepburn first heard 
the news of the battle on the following Wednes- 
day night. According to the advance rumors 
that reached central Iowa the Union army had 
been destroyed, Washington had been seized by 
the Confederates, and Congress was fugitive. 

It was time for all loyal men to hasten to the 
aid of their country, and the prosecuting attor- 
ney of the eleventh district lost no time in 
starting for Iowa City where he received 
authority to raise a troop of cavalry. Hur- 



50 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

riedly returning to Marslialltown lie l3egan re- 
cruiting, and witliin a week from the time lie 
lieard of the battle of Bull Run he was notified 
by Adjutant General Nathaniel B. Baker that 
his "Marshall Horse Guards" were accepted as 
Company B of the Second Iowa Volunteer Cav- 
alry. On July 30tli he was authorized to order 
his men into quarters and be in readiness to 
march by the twelfth of August."^^ 

When the company assembled at Marshall- 
town officers were elected and Hepburn was 
chosen captain — though he had served in that 
capacity from the time the company had been 
ordered to quarters. On the appointed day the 
troopers, mounted on their own horses with no 
arms or uniforms and less than a dozen saddles, 
began their march of nearly a hundred miles to 
Iowa City and thence by railroad to the rendez- 
vous at Camp McClellan near Davenport, Food 
was obtained from the people along the way, 
and the men slept in haystacks and vacant 
buildings. At Davenport they went into camp 
with several other companies of cavalry and 
infantry to begin their training as soldiers. 
Not a man among them had ever before seen a 
squadron of cavalry."^ ^ 

For nearly a fortnight Company B remained 
in Camp McClellan before being mustered into 
the United States service.^ ^ Captain Hepburn 
wrote to his wife that he was busier than he 



CALL TO ARMS 51 

had ever been in his life. Up "promptly at 5 
o'clock in the morning" he worked '■'■hard all 
day — drilling, looking after the comfort of the 
men", and learning the duties of an army offi- 
cer. In the opinion of the regimental color- 
bearer Hepbnrn possessed "fine native talent", 
while as a "disciplinarian he had few equals." 
Indeed the rank and file of his company, fresh 
from the country and unaccustomed to military 
restraint, chafed under the strict discipline he 
enforced. Nor was the life of a soldier particu- 
larly attractive to the young captain. While 
he labored faithfully to discharge all of his 
duties, he confided to his wife that "at the 
earliest moment when I can do so honorably I 
will leave the service. But at the same time I 
must confess that I cannot now imagine when 
the time will come. "'^^ 

Although Captain Hepburn found it "the 
hardest work possible to keep 100 men together 
& in good humor" he seems to have kept Com- 
pany B busy "getting ready to be useful", for 
by September 4th he believed he had "the best 
drilled company in camp." Due in a large 
measure no doubt to his efficiency as a captain, 
Hepburn was promoted on September 13th to 
the rank of major commanding the first bat- 
talion. Edward Hatch, a lumber merchant 
from Muscatine, was commissioned lieutenant 
colonel; the major of the second battalion was 



52 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Datus E. Coon, an editor from Mason City ; and 
Hiram W. Love, a mechanic from Iowa City, 
was major of the third battalion.'^ 

The Second Iowa Cavalry was fortunate in 
securing Washington L. Elliott as colonel, one 
of the few regular army officers detailed to com- 
mand volunteer regiments. Brave, courteous, 
and a thorough soldier. Colonel Elliott was a 
disciplinarian without being a martinet. By 
example he stimulated his officers to industry 
and care in drilling the men so that during the 
period of instruction before the regiment was 
ordered to the front such a foundation for effi- 
cient service was laid that the Second Iowa 
Cavalry was fit to challenge comparison with 
any mounted regiment in the army.'^ 

LTntil December 7, 1861, the Second Iowa 
Cavalry remained at Davenport, living in bar- 
racks, learning to cook, and drilling in the 
school of the trooper dismounted. A German 
fencing master was hired, and before the regi- 
ment was ordered south the majority of the 
men were familiar with the use of the saber. 
For two months after leaving Camp McClellan 
the Second Cavalry was quartered in the small, 
poorly ventilated Benton Barracks at St. Louis 
where disease wrought sad havoc with the men. 
Here horses were issued and the regiment was 
drilled in the school of the trooper mounted."^^ 

At St. Louis the usual round of camp duties 



CALL TO ARMS 53 

occupied most of Major Hepburn's time.**^ 
Besides the regular drill work lie acted as 
officer of the day within a week after he ar- 
rived. In that capacity he vowed that he would 
"put delinquents through & inaugurate a little 
of the strictness of Davenport Barracks". At 
the end of December he served on detail to 
muster the troops for their pay, and a few 
weeks later the distribution of arms claimed his 
attention. The first battalion of the Second 
Iowa Cavalry, composed of companies E, K, L, 
and M, was armed with sabers, navy revolvers, 
and later with Sharps carbines, while the second 
and third battalions were equipped with Colt 
revolving rifles, the implication being that Ma- 
jor Hepburn's battalion would execute most of 
the dashing exploits and the rifle companies 
would repulse the charges of the enemy.^^ 



VIII 

Campaigning in Missouri 

Gladly bidding farewell to Benton Barracks 
on February 17, 1862, the Second Iowa Cavalry 
embarked on transports to participate in the 
campaign against New Madrid and Island No. 
10. The sight of the battered gunboats at 
Cairo being repaired after the battles of Fort 
Henry and Fort Donelson reminded the men 
that at last they were destined to face the stern 
realities of war. On the evening of the nine- 
teenth of February the regiment landed at 
Bird's Point, Missouri, in the midst of a snow 
and sleet storm. The men pitched their tents, 
posted their guards, lit their fires, ate supper, 
and * ' went to bed quite comfortable. ' ' 

A fortnight was spent in pursuing the elusive 
''Swamp Fox", Brigadier General M. Jeff. 
Thompson. "Camp life", wrote Major Hep- 
burn at the end of that time, "is not so very 
disagreeable after all ... . We have learned 
to be quite expert in the arrangement & erection 
of a camp. We endeavor to start early & com- 
plete our march by three o'clock, & yesterday 
. . . . the men were busily engaged in cul- 

54 



CAMPAIGNING IN MISSOURI 55 

inary labors in one hour after the encampment 
was marked out. "^- 

On March 4th the Second Iowa Cavalry, one 
of the iniassigned regiments in Pope's army, 
advanced on New Madrid by way of Charles- 
ton, Bertrand, and Sikeston. The roads were 
in such poor condition that wide detours were 
necessary to move forward a few miles. ''The 
whole surface of the country", according to 
Hepburn, was covered by "a dense forest, with 
a thick undergrowth of vines, thorns, & cypress 
roots, & last but not least, a depth of water 
varying from six inches to two feet." By 
March 12th, however, the regiment had 
splashed through to New Madrid and was in 
position for the next day's battle.^^ 

The capture of Fort Henry and Fort Donel- 
son broke the Confederate line of defense in 
Kentucky and caused the evacuation of Colum- 
bus on the east bank of the Mississippi River. 
Island No. 10, sixty miles below, was selected 
as the next place to contest the advance of the 
Union forces. At that point the Mississippi, 
flowing straight south from Island No. 8, curves 
to the northwest for a distance of about ten 
miles to New Madrid, Missouri, and then sweeps 
back toward the southeast until, reaching Tip- 
tonville, Tennessee, a village five miles due 
south of Island No. 10, it turns again to the 
south. Extending along both banks of the river 



56 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

during periods of high water were deep 
swamps. 

The only means of supplying the troops on 
Island No. 10 was by the river from the south, 
so that if communication was cut at New Mad- 
rid the Confederates would be forced to land 
supplies at Tiptonville and convey them over- 
land across the neck of the peninsula. Against 
New Madrid, therefore, Major General John 
Pope directed the first blow in reducing Island 
No. 10. On March 12tli the enemy was de- 
fending the town with about nine thousand in- 
fantry, considerable artillery, and nine gun- 
boats. According to the Southern press, the 
position was invulnerable, a veritable Thermop- 
ylae of the Mississippi, capable of withstand- 
ing the attack of seventy-five thousand men. 
Pope's forces numbered scarcely twenty thou- 
sand. ^^ 

The Second Iowa Cavalry was ordered to 
report to Brigadier General E. A. Paine at 
daylight on March 13th. On the eve of his 
first battle Major Hepburn admitted that he 
felt nervous — "slightly as if an overdose of 
morphine had been administered ' '. At the first 
streak of dawn the men were in the saddle ready 
to take their place on the line. All day they 
waited while the heavy siege guns pounded at 
the Confederate earthworks, but there was no 
opportunity for a cavalry charge. That night 



CAMPAIGNING IN ^IISSOURI 57 

the enemy evacuated during a violent thunder 
storm, leaving behind more than thirty pieces 
of artillery, large stores of ammunition, tents, 
horses, and wagons. So precipitate was their 
departure that candles were left burning and 
food remained untasted upon the tables. ^^ 

To the victorious Union soldiers New Madrid 
presented a desolate appearance. Picturesque 
with its '^gothic cottages", ample grounds, and 
fine shrubbery, the old town had been almost 
destroyed by the Confederate troops. Build- 
ings that obstructed the range of the guns had 
been burned, fences had been pulled down, and 
the siding had been torn from the houses for 
fuel, while on all sides was evidence of the ac- 
curate aim of the Union gunners. To "com- 
plete the entire desolation of the town, not a 
woman or child was to be seen."^*' 

With the exception of occasional scout duty, 
almost a month elapsed before the Second Iowa 
Cavalry again took an active part in the cam- 
paign. Seventeen miles away the bombard- 
ment of Island No. 10 could be distinctly heard. 
For days at a time the shots averaged one each 
minute. Major Hepburn, lying on his cot and 
feeling the ground tremble, marveled at the 
complacency mth which he remained in his 
tent when only a short distance away each dis- 
charge was carrying "the bitterness of woe to 
the heart of mother & wife. " Perhaps his very 



58 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

temperament was being changed by the new 
environment and ' ' a continual train of thought, 
all running in the same channel". That his 
sympathy was not completely deadened by con- 
templating the brutality of war appears from 
his declaration that during the long respites 
from active service ''the yearning for home be- 
comes so strong, that it requires strong mental 
discipline to exclude the doubt, or thought, that 
possibly duty might have been as well per- 
formed" in more peaceful pursuits. "But 
while the longing for home is constant", he 
continued, "I still believe that I have deter- 
mined for the best, & that it has become a ques- 
tion, almost of morals, when a man who can 
render aid, stands with folded arms, and suffers, 
by his supineness the destruction of the govern- 
ment. "^^ 

In the meantime Commodore Andrew H. 
Foote's gunboats had made little impression 
upon the Confederate batteries at Island No. 
10, while Pope 's army, though effectively block- 
ading the river below the island, was unable to 
cross and attack the enemy in the rear on ac- 
count of the lack of transports. After nineteen 
days of hard labor a canal twelve miles long 
was constructed from the Mississippi River 
above Island No. 10 across a peninsula of over- 
flowed land to the river just above New Madrid. 
For a distance. of two miles an avenue was cut 



CAMPAIGNING IN I\IISSOURI 59 

through heavy timber by sawing off the trees 
four or five feet under water — no mean feat 
of engineering. On April 4th the canal was 
completed, several steamers were brought 
through, and the work of transporting the 
Union army to the Tennessee shore began.^* 

It was sometime on Monday, April 7th, that 
the Second Iowa Cavalry received orders to 
cross the river and take possession of the ene- 
my's works on the Tennessee shore opposite 
Island No. 10. After standing in the rain and 
cold several hours. Colonel Elliott and Major 
Hepburn with companies K and L of the first 
battalion succeeded in getting aboard two trans- 
ports and steamed across to Watson's landing, 
where they arrived about three o'clock in the 
morning of the eighth of April. At daybreak 
they were on the road, advancing upon the Con- 
federate encampment. As the advance guard 
approached it w^as discovered that the main 
force had evacuated. Moving up through the 
camp, the standard of the regiment and the 
guidons of the companies were hoisted in place 
of the silk flag of the *' Mississippi Devils". 
Several steamers and wharfboats were taken, 
large quantities of ordnance stores were seized, 
and about two hundred stragglers were made 
captive. Thus to the Second Iowa Cavalry be- 
longs the honor of being the first Federal troops 
to enter the rebel works at Island No. lO."'' 



60 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Leaving the Confederate camp in the posses- 
sion of Colonel N. B. Bnforcl, the cavalry rode 
to Tiptonville and stayed there until April 11th, 
part of the time without shelter in such a down- 
pour of rain that huge camp fires were extin- 
guished. "Yet there was no grumbling & not 
a man took a cold", wrote Major Hepburn. It 
was his first "actual service" and he liked it. 
He never enjoyed better health or felt more 
rugged. "I am as brown as an Indian", he 
declared to his wife, "in spite of divers & sun- 
dry washings undertaken at your special in- 
stance & request. "^° 



IX 

The Eye of the Army 

On the same day that the Confederate troops 
were evacuating Island No. 10 the bloodiest bat- 
tle that had ever been fought in America was 
raging at Shiloh. On April 11th Major Gen- 
eral Henry W. Halleck proceeded pompously 
from his arm chair in St. Louis to Pittsburg 
Landing, that he might personally direct the 
stealthy advance upon Corinth. Pope, who was 
just beginning operations against Fort Pillow, 
was ordered to join Halleck with the Army of 
the Mississippi. 

The first battalion of the Second Iowa Caval- 
ry took passage on the steamboat City of Alton, 
together with two full regiments of infantry — 
"the greatest crowd that I ever was jammed 
into in my life", wrote Major Hepburn. It was 
about dusk on the evening of April 20th that 
the boat entered the Tennessee River, a stream 
with 'Svell defined banks that are covered with 
a most luxuriant growth of vegetation". At 
Pittsburg Landing the birds were singing, and 
Hepburn, observing the beauty and quiet that 
reigned over the battle field of Shiloh, could 

61 



62 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

'^ scarcely realize that so recently all the eclioes 
were thundering" with the din of war.^^ 

Although Major Hepburn was not without 
weaknesses for which he criticized himself, he 
was equally generous in his criticism of others.^^ 
He questioned whether "the advantages result- 
ant from the battle of Shiloh" would be "so 
decided when scanned after the first excitement 
incident to their happening" had passed. "Yet 
the newspapers tell us only 1500 have been 
killed, and only 4000 wounded", he continued 
sarcastically. "And this too because it was a 
surprise .... Someone, it appears to me has 
a terrible crime to answer for." Although he 
did not know the true circumstances of the bat- 
tle, the breast-high thickets shorn smooth by the 
bullets and the thousands of new graves im- 
pressed him with the belief that Grant was either 
incompetent or guilty of criminal neglect.^'' 

During the Civil War the cavalry performed 
to a limited extent the same service that is now 
accomplished by aviators : as it now is the duty 
of the airmen to observe the strength and move- 
ments of the enemy or destroy his supplies and 
lines of communication, so it then devolved upon 
the Second Iowa Cavalry to act as scouts, make 
reconnaissances, and raid the country behind 
the Confederate lines. Like the aviation corps 
at the present time the cavalry was then the 
"eye of the army". 



EYE OF THE ARMY 63 

In reporting the activities of the cavalry di- 
vision of the Army of the Mississippi during 
the operations against Corinth, Mississippi, in 
which ahnost "every day brought with it some 
sharp skirmish with a vigilant enemy", Briga- 
dier General Gordon Granger counted it an 
honor to command the mounted troops.^^ "A- 
mid pelting rain and tropical heats, through the 
dense morasses or the blinding dust of the hills, 
by night or by day, enduring the fatigues of 
forced marches, with scant subsistence often- 
times for both themselves and their animals, 
every duty has been cheerfully undertaken and 
every privation submitted to without a mur- 
mur. "^^ 

On the twenty-second of April the first bat- 
talion of the Second Iowa Cavalry had scarcely 
disembarked from the City of Alton before Ma- 
jor Hepburn was directed to lead a party of 
thirty men out on the Corinth road as far as 
possible. About seven miles from camp the 
enemy was discovered in ambush. After ex- 
changing a few shots Hepburn returned to camp 
where he received the thanks of the command- 
ing officer for the information he had obtained. 
Brigadier General Hamilton pronounced the re- 
connaissance to be "a very important scout . . . 
satisfactorily conducted"; while Colonel Elliott 
was pleased to say that he reposed complete 
confidence in Major Hepburn and would enter- 



64 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

tain the same opinion as long as duty was per- 
formed with equal evidence of faithfulness. 

It was the first occasion upon which Hepburn 
had been under fire, and though he stood his 
ground he confessed that he was scared. 
' ' There is undoubtedly a very unpleasant sound 
occasioned by a minie ball in rapid motion", 
he informed his wife. He acknowledged a re- 
spectable amount of caution, never intending 
to ''charge a battery with a platoon, nor at- 
tempt the capture of an entire regiment with a 
single squadron" unless ordered to do so. Lit- 
tle did he imagine that in the course of a few 
days he would be called upon to lead a charge 
against far greater odds.^*^ 

The forenoon of May 9th was well advanced 
when news came that Brigadier General Paine 's 
division on the heights near Farmington was 
hotly pressed and in some confusion.^'^ The 
Second Iowa Cavalry in camp two miles from 
the scene of action was ordered to ride with all 
possible speed to the assistance of their com- 
rades. Upon reaching the battle field the in- 
fantry was discovered in retreat toward the 
single bridge and causeway leading across Sev- 
en Mile Creek and a swamp. Twelve hundred 
yards away and across plowed ground broken 
by hills and deep ravines, three Confederate 
batteries, supported by a division of infantry, 
commanded every avenue of escape. 



EYE OP THE ARMY 65 

Scarcely had the Second Iowa Cavalry ar- 
rived when Paine daslied np and ordered the 
regiment to charge, take, and hold the batteries 
until he could move his command across the 
swamp. "Attention! Draw saber! Squad- 
rons right forward in echelon!" came the order 
from Lieutenant Colonel Hatch, and a moment 
later the clear notes of the bugle sounded 
*' Charge!" Sabers flashed in the sunlight, the 
infantry cheered, and the cavalrymen, pale but 
resolute, leaned forward in their saddles as they 
rode across gullies and ravines in the face of 
grape and canister from the artillery and a 
w^ithering musketry fire from fifteen thousand 
infantry. Two of the batteries were carried 
and the third, charged upon by Major Hepburn 
and the first battalion through the hottest of 
the fire, was deserted by the gunners, although 
they w^ere protected by a fence. Before the 
Confederate cannoniers could reman their guns 
Paine had retreated to safety and the cavalry 
had retired across the swamp to await orders. 
Nearly fifty men of the Second Iowa fell killed 
or wounded in the charge, and a hundred horses 
were left on the field.^^ 

It w^as the opinion of Brigadier General John 
M. Palmer and other officers who were present 
that the charge of the Second Iowa Cavalry, 
audacious though it was, saved the day for the 
infantry. When Paine explained to Colonel 



66 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Elliott that he did not suppose the regiment 
would go so far it is said that Elliott retorted: 
*'I want you to know that I have taught that 
regiment to go to hell if ordered there, but I 
didn't fetch them here to have them ordered 
there." Brigadier General Granger character- 
ized the action of the Second Iowa Cavalry as 
the "most brilliant charge ever made on the 
American continent & the first one in which a 
whole regiment was engaged. "^^ 

Following the engagement at Farmington 
Colonel Elliott seemed to place "a great degree 
of confidence" in Major Hepburn's ability, al- 
ways treating him "with the utmost kindness". 
Hepburn in turn did his best to merit the colo- 
nel's good opinion. On two occasions he was 
put in command of six companies of the Second 
Iowa and six companies of the Second Michigan 
Cavalry when out on hazardous scout duty. 

About the eighteenth of May the command 
of the Second Michigan Cavalry was offered to 
Major Hepburn, and though Colonel Elliott 
thought "it would have been best" for his in- 
terests to have taken it Hepburn felt that "there 
were many reasons" why he did not want to 
accept the oifer. A week later Philip H. Sheri- 
dan was made colonel of that regiment, and on 
June 11th, when Elliott was promoted to the 
rank of brigadier general and appointed chief 
of Pope's staff, Sheridan by virtue of seniority 



EYE OF THE ARMY 67 

became brigade commander of the Second Mich- 
igan and Second Iowa Cavalry.^ ^*^ 

Near the end of May, 1862, when the Federal 
troops had nearly surrounded Corinth, it be- 
came desirable to cut the Confederate railroad 
communication south of the town.^^^ At twelve 
o'clock on the night of the twenty-seventh of 
May, Colonel Elliott with the Second Iowa and 
Second Michigan Cavalry set out to wreck the 
Mobile and Ohio Railroad at Booneville, twenty- 
two miles south of Corinth. In order to pene- 
trate so far into hostile territory it was 
essential that the march should be rapid and 
circuitous. Avoiding the highways, passing 
around towns, and riding at night, the brigade 
reached Booneville early Friday morning. May 
30th. Here the railroad was destroyed in sev- 
eral places and a train load of supplies and 
munitions burned. ^"- 

This damage so embarrassed the Confeder- 
ates on the eve of the evacuation of Corinth 
that General Beauregard, it was reported, be- 
came frantic and told his men to save them- 
selves as best they could. Just at dark on May 
31st the raiders reached camp completely ex- 
hausted, having been in the saddle all but twen- 
ty-four hours from the time they started. 
Highly praised for the success of so hazardous 
and expedition, Colonel Elliott was decorated 
wdth the star of a brigadier general. ^"'^ 



68 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

With the exception of the cavalry raid at 
Booneville the Confederate army was allowed 
to escape from Corinth almost unmolested. 
The capture of the town was important, but the 
defeat of the Confederate army would have 
been vastly more important. As Hepburn 
wrote, the North "spent six weeks time, two 
or three hundred lives and fifty millions of 
treasure and then had our game slip through 
our fingers as though but a dozen men had been 
engaged, instead of a vast army of more thaij 
a hundred thousand men."^-'^ . 

The Second Iowa Cavalry was allowed to rest 
only one day after the Booneville raid before 
entering upon two weeks of strenuous recon- 
naissance. On June 4tli while feeling the 
strength of the enemy near Blackland, Missis- 
sippi, the regiment was attacked by a large 
force of infantry and artillery just after cross- 
ing a swamp and Twenty Mile Creek over a 
narrow bridge and a corduroy road nearly a 
mile long. In all of his experience it was the 
tightest place Colonel Elliott had ever been in ; 
while Major Hepburn was thankful for the zeal 
with which he had mastered tactics at Benton 
Barracks. With the Confederate artillery shell- 
ing the bridge and sweeping the narrow road 
with canister and grape shot, it recjuired more 
than two hours to withdraw across the creek. 
Hepburn's battalion formed seven different bat- 



EYE OP THE AR:\IY 69 

tie lines in coverino: tlie retreat across the 



10 r 



swamp 

It was about the middle of June when the 
regiment was sent to the rear to recuperate 
after the long campaign against Corinth. By 
that time the hot weather had begun to atTect 
the over-worked horses ; while many of the men 
were in poor health. Dining upon ''crackers, 
cold ham & coffee, and sleeping on the ground 
with no other covering than a tree & a horse 
blanket, and no pillow but a saddle covered with 
raw hide" seemed to agree with Hepburn : from 
the time he had enlisted he had not been ' ' absent 
from duty to exceed ten days in the aggregate. ' ' 
He described himself as a "hungry Cassius- 
like" fellow who was "as tough and hard" as 
he "could wish to be".^*^*' 



Staff Duty 

No officer had a higher appreciation of dis- 
cipline than Major Hepbnrn. He was a good 
soldier, but not a "popular" officer. While he 
achieved considerable success in action during 
the Corinth campaign his relations with some 
of his subordinates seem to have been far from 
pleasant. If Colonel Elliott had consented he 
would have resigned in May. In June he ap- 
plied for a leave of absence from military duty 
for a period of thirty days that he might attend 
to business interests in Iowa. The application 
was endorsed by Lieutenant Colonel Hatch, 
Colonel Sheridan, and Brigadier General 
Granger, but before leave was finally granted 
Hepburn was persuaded to postpone his fur- 
lough. ^"^ 

Soon after Colonel Elliott was transferred to 
Pope's staff. Lieutenant Colonel Hatch became 
colonel of the Second Iowa Cavalry, and the 
way to promotion was paved for Major 
Hepburn. Elliott, Sheridan, Granger, and 
Rosecrans all wrote "strong letters of recom- 
mendation" urging Governor Kirkwood to 

70 



STAFF DUTY 71 

make liim a lieutenant colonel. There was, 
however, a faction in the regiment which was 
so much opposed to the strict discipline he en- 
forced that a petition in favor of Major Coon 
for lieutenant colonel was circulated and signed 
by about two hundred men and a number of 
officers. Hepburn himself seemed indifferent to 
the opportunity of becoming lieutenant colonel 
of the Second Iowa Cavalry. He assumed that 
the glory of the regiment had departed when 
Colonel Elliott was removed and asserted that 
in comparison with what it had been the Second 
Iowa ''is like the play of Hamlet with the char- 
acter of Hamlet omitted." Deploring the "dis- 
organization & 'democracy' that riots in the 
camp" and weary of the intrigues against him, 
it was with sincere satisfaction that Major 
Hepburn hailed the prospect of being detailed 
as acting inspector general of the cavalry divi- 
sion of the Army of the Mississippi.^**^ 

Although Major Hepburn was on Granger's 
staff, he acted as an aide and reported to 
Colonel Sheridan when the second brigade of 
the cavalry division was ordered to Booneville, 
twenty miles in advance of the main Union 
army. On the morning of July 1st, Brigadier 
General James R. Chalmers, with a force of 
four or five thousand Confederate cavalry, at- 
tacked the Union outpost at Booneville. The 
stubborn resistance of the Second Iowa and 



72 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Second Michigan cavalry and the splendid 
leadership of their commander were, however, 
more than a match for the overwhelming num- 
bers of the enemy. After eight hours of des- 
perate fighting, characterized by charge and 
counter charge, Chalmers was compelled to 
withdraw. "The coolness, determination, and 
fearless gallantry displayed by Colonel Sheri- 
dan and the officers and men of his command" 
won the thanks and admiration of the army. 
It was reported that Major Hepburn, who acted 
as aide during the day, was "deserving of great 
praise. " "I like being on the staff very much ' ', 
the major wrote to his wife, "it gives me plenty 
of leisure, & perhaps I ought to add it exempts 
me from those plaguy scouts .... (except 
when they are in force) that are so un- 
pleasant ".^^^^ 

On the ninth of July, Major Hepburn was 
appointed president of a general court martial. 
He had thought when he enlisted that he would 
be relieved of court duty, but it seems that his 
reputation as a lawyer had followed him to the 
army. "I find myself now engaged in a class 
of cases that are beyond all my previous experi- 
ence difficult & perplexing", he declared. "A 
peculiarity of all courts martial is that the 
courts not only determine the guilt of the ac- 
cused but affix the measure of punishment." 
Eealizing his responsibility he explained that 



STAFF DUTY 73 

"a mistake is not apt to be corrected and the 
poor devil who suffers from a too careless exam- 
ination or hasty determination, has but small 
opportunity for the correction of the evil."^^"' 

Day after day during- July when the ther- 
mometer registered "from 95° to 105° in the 
shade" he sat '4n state with his heavy cloth 
coat buttoned to the chin, with a sash & belt 
around his body & an army saber hanging at 
his side". On July 17th he thought there was 
a prospect of completing the work of the "ever- 
lasting court martial .... sometime dur- 
ing the summer", but a week later the court 
was directed "not to adjourn sine die^^ until 
further notice — an order which effectually 
dampened the hopes of the perspiring judges. 
By the end of July they had gone through the 
* * entire roll of punishments from ' shall be shot ' 
down to 'shall be reprimanded.' "^^'^ 

In the meantime Major Hepburn had not 
been promoted. Grave charges of conduct un- 
becoming an officer had reached Governor 
Kirkwood from the Second Iowa Cavalry. On 
account of this "formidable opposition" in the 
regiment the commission of lieutenant colonel 
was withheld until the Governor was sure that 
Hepburn was not guilty of "overbearing and 
tyrannical conduct towards his men." Major 
Hepburn did not receive his commission until 
the latter part of November, 1862.^^- 



74 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Aside from Ms unwillingness to have a junior 
officer advanced over him, Hepburn himself had 
no ambition to become the ' ' 5th wheel of a Regt 
i. e, Lt Col." The command of one of the new 
regiments being organized in Iowa would have 
been much more acceptable, and he took the 
liberty of sending to Governor Kirkwood sev- 
eral testimonials on his fitness to be a colonel. 
Brigadier General AVilliam S. Rosecrans, Briga- 
dier General D. S. Stanley, and Brigadier Gen- 
eral Gordon Granger pronounced him to be "an 
officer who has been uniformly attentive to 
duty, vigorous in action, zealous in the cause in 
which we are engaged, and whose conduct since 
our acquaintance with him, has been commend- 
able in the highest degree." Colonel Philip H. 
Sheridan said he was ''an excellent soldier & 
gentleman, well skilled in military affairs." 
From the Second Iowa Cavalry there w^ere let- 
ters from Major Datus E. Coon, Captain 
Charles P. Moore, Captain Paul A. Queal, and 
Chaplain C. G. Trusdell, all in praise of Major 
Hepburn. Captain Queal, who had served 
under him from the time that Company B was 
organized at Marshalltown, maintained that no 
part of the regiment had been better cared for 
than the first battalion, and no major in the 
brigade enjoyed *'as much of the respect and 
confidence of his superiors" as did Hepburn. 
"His tactical knowledge is extensive, and as a 



STAFF DUTY 75 

disciplinarian his snperior is not to be found in 
this Army", declared Assistant Adjutant Gen- 
eral William C. Russell."^ 

In spite of such an avalanche of military ap- 
proval Governor Kirkwood did not assign Ma- 
jor Hepburn to the command of one of the new 
regiments. The fact that it would have been 
necessary to obtain speci:al permission from the 
War Department to transfer an officer from an 
old regiment to a new one may have been an 
important reason for the Governor's decision. 
Remembering that ''it is as much a soldier's 
education & duty to be patient, as it is to be 
willing to undergo privation or to meet 
danger", Hepburn accepted the disappointment 
philosophically, though not without some bitter- 
ness toward Governor Kirkwood."^ 

Almost continually during the month of 
August, 1862, Major Hepburn was detailed as 
judge advocate of general courts martial. That 
the duties of this office were performed with 
eminent ability may be concluded from Gran- 
ger's opinion that Hepburn was the best and 
most efficient judge advocate he had ever seen. 
To be a member of Granger's staff was pleas- 
ant, but it seems to have been a position that 
Major Hepburn was not anxious to retain. 
Although he was confident he could be appoint- 
ed judge advocate of the Army of the 
Mississippi on the staff of Brigadier General 



76 -WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Kosecrans, he tlioiiglit there were no advan- 
tages to be gained except ease and a good time 
— the kind of post that had no particnlar ap- 
peal for the ambitions major. By the first of 
September he was thinking serionslv of retnrn- 
ing to active duty with the Second Iowa Cav- 
alry.^ ^-"^ 

General Braxton Bragg was occupied two 
months after the fall of Corinth in recruiting 
and drilling his army. Then, early in August, 
he appeared at Chattanooga, Tennessee, con- 
fronting the Army of the Ohio under Major 
General Don Carlos Buell. Eluding the Union 
troops Bragg marched rapidly northward in an 
attempt to reach the Ohio River; while Buell, 
calling upon Grant for assistance, began a race 
with the Confederates for Louisville, Kentucky. 
By September 4th, Grant was hurrying troops 
to Buell as fast as possible.^ ^'' 

When Granger's division was ordered to re- 
inforce the Army of the Ohio, Major Hepburn 
was relieved from duty as acting inspector gen- 
eral of the cavalry division and instructed to 
report to Brigadier General Rosecrans, com- 
mander of the Army of the Mississippi. At 
that time Hepburn would have preferred going 
with Granger to Louisville, but Rosecrans 
would not permit it. Before ten days had 
elapsed it is doubtful if the major had any 
regrets for his change of headquarters. Rose- 



STAFF DUTY 77 

crans ''manages to keep a fellow pretty busy", 
lie wrote, but "I like [liim] better and better 
every day. "^^'^ 

Early on the morning of September 19tli the 
Army of the Mississippi broke camp and 
marched against Major General Sterling Price, 
to whom Bragg a few weeks before had as- 
signed the task of disposing of Sherman and 
Rosecrans. At luka the two armies met in one 
of the fiercest battles of the war. From two 
o 'clock in the afternoon until the sun went down 
the contest raged. Major Hepburn "was all 
over the field & all around with Genl Rosecrans 
but did not get a scratch. "^^^ During the night 
Price slipped away to join Major General Earl 
Van Dorn and engage in another desperate fight 
with the Union forces at Corinth on October 
3rd. The Confederate attack "was a most 
splendid affair. And their courage was almost 
invincible", according to Hepburn. "Seven 
rebel bodies were found in the yard around our 
head Qrs."!^^ 

The battle of luka made William S. Rosecrans 
a major general, and in recognition of his hard- 
earned victory at Corinth he was assigned to 
the command of the Department of the Cumber- 
land and the troops which had formerly com- 
posed the Army of the Ohio under Major Gen- 
eral Buell. Assuming command on October 
30th, he named "Maj. ^X. P. Hepburn, Second 



78 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Iowa Cavalry, acting judge-advocate" on his 
staff. Hepburn reported November 6th at 
Bowling Green, Kentucky, and a few days later 
he was at headquarters in Nashville, Ten- 
nessee.^-*^ 

The duties of judge advocate of the Army of 
the Cumberland proved much too ''arduous to 
be entirely pleasant", however, and by the mid- 
dle of November Hepburn was "strongly 
tempted to ask to be relieved" and take the 
position of inspector of cavalry. That place 
would allow alternate field and office work 
which he knew would be more agreeable. Ac- 
cordingly, Major General Rosecrans announced 
on November 24th that Lieutenant Colonel 
W. P. Hepburn would report "as inspector of 
cavalry on the staff of the general command- 
ing." A month later the lieutenant colonel w^as 
well pleased with the change, declaring that the 
position "is as good a one as there is on the 
staff and quite as good as I can fill cred- 
itably."i2i 

The winter and spring of 1863 w^ere consumed 
by Major General Rosecrans in preparing the 
Army of the Cumberland for the campaign of 
the following summer. Ignorant of the value of 
cavalry, Buell had spoken of that branch of the 
army as "those men who ride horses." In 
consequence of such an attitude the cavalry was 
in poor condition, and so Lieutenant Colonel 



STAFF DUTY 79 

Hepburn was kept busy inspecting the mounted 
troops, examining diseased animals, and im- 
pressing fresh horses into the service. Of "all 
the unpleasant occupations that a poor devil 
was ever engaged in this is the worst", he ex- 
claimed after a week spent in seizing horses for 
the government. ' ' I have had a hundred women 
of all ages & conditions thronging my office, 
begging with tears in their eyes for the safety 
of a work horse, a riding horse, or a pair of 
carriage horses." It was a severe test for a 
man of his "very strong sympathies", but he 
"preserved a stiff upper lip" and was not 

moved "a hair's breadth" by flattery or ca- 
jolery.^ 22 

All winter Lieutenant Colonel Hepburn's 
friends in the Second Iowa Cavalry had been 
urging him to return and take command of the 
regiment. Colonel Hatch, they wrote, had 
charge of a brigade most of the time so that if 
the lieutenant colonel returned he Avould not be 
a supernumerary but would have active com- 
mand of the Second Cavalry. As the spring 
campaign progressed the letters became more 
and more urgent. Clans C. Runs, a faithful 
friend and former orderly, sincerely believed 
that Hepburn would be well received by most of 
the regiment, "for after losing your service 
they have found out their loss too late. Espe- 
cially all your old friends wish you back again, 



80 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

and for the first Battalion I know tliey will be 
glad to see you witli the Regiment again." 
Finally in June there came an emphatic appeal 
from Paul A. Queal, and Hepburn decided to 
return to his regiment. Captain Queal seemed 
to think the occasion would be an epoch in Hep- 
burn's life. On July 12, 1863, he was relieved 
as inspector of cavalry in the Army of the Cum- 
berland and his staff duty was at an end.^^^ 



XI 

Military Operations about Memphis 

It was close to the end of July when Lieutenant 
Colonel Hepburn reported for active duty at La 
Grange, Tennessee.^-'^ His apprehensions that 
the Second Iowa Cavalry had deteriorated dur- 
ing the year he had been away on statf duty 
were allayed when he learned that the regiment 
had *' preserved its reputation admirably" and 
stood second to none in the Sixteenth Army 
Corps. Indeed, the Second Iowa Cavalry was 
officially pronounced in September to be "by 
far the best cavalry regiment in the Department 
of the Tennessee ".^^^ 

One of the first duties required of Lieutenant 
Colonel Hepburn after he returned to his regi- 
ment was to proceed to Jackson, Tennessee, 
under a flag of truce. He reported very hos- 
pitable entertainment by Confederate officers 
and the leading citizens while he was there. 
The people seemed curious to see how military 
men in hostile armies would meet and act. It 
was Hepburn's opinion that the inhabitants of 
Tennessee and Mississippi would welcome peace 
if the North would tender magnanimous pardon 

81 



82 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

to the masses and offer assurance of the se- 
curity of property.^^^ 

No sooner had Hepburn returned with the 
flag of truce than he was appointed one of a 
board of officers to take evidence and determine 
what regiments of the Sixteenth Army Corps 
were entitled to inscribe upon their banners the 
names of the battles in which they had partici- 
pated. This delicate task of "manufacturing 
glory" took the board to the headquarters of 
every brigade in the corps from Corinth, Mis- 
sissippi, to the capital of Arkansas. The final 
stretch of the trip to Little Rock ''presented a 
greater proportion of discomforts than any 
other 60 miles of journeying that ever had to be 
endured" by the dust laden and perspiring 
lieutenant colonel, while the best hotel in that 
city offered fare "greatly inferior to the poorest 
class of country taverns in the interior of 
Iowa. ' ' It was withal ' ' laborious service ' ' com- 
bined with "disagreeable travelling and very 
expensive living."^-'' 

The end of the first week in October found 
Lieutenant Colonel Hepburn once more in 
Memphis commanding the Second Iowa Cav- 
alry and hoping for an opportunity to distin- 
guish himself in action.^ ^'^ Almost a month 
elapsed, however, before he performed any ex- 
ploits of importance. On November 3rd, Briga- 
dier General Chalmers with a large force 



OPERATIONS ABOUT MEMPHIS 83 

attacked the little garrison of Illinois cavalry at 
Collierville, Tennessee. The pickets had been 
driven in and a brigade of Confederate cavalry 
was forming for a charge when Hepburn with 
the Second Iowa galloped into the town from 
the north. Quickly dismounting the rifle com- 
panies in the shelter of the railroad he prepared 
to receive the advancing enemy. Across an 
open field came two regiments of Mississippi 
cavalry in splendid style, but the repeating 
rifles of the Iowa men were more than they had 
bargained for. In the meantime more reinforce- 
ments had arrived and Chalmers, surprised at 
the spirited resistance, hastily retreated with 
the Union cavalry in hot pursuit.^ -^ 

The engagement at Collierville marked the 
beginning of two months of steady campaigning 
for the Second Iowa Cavalry; but Hepburn re- 
mained in active command onl}^ a few days. On 
November 17th he was sent to the Confederate 
cavalry commander with a proposal for an in- 
formal exchange of prisoners. Although the 
proposition was approved by J, R. Chalmers 
and S. D. Lee it was beyond their jurisdiction, 
so the mission came to naught. Not long after- 
w^ard Hepburn was detailed once more for court 
martial duty in which capacity he served until 
the end of January, 1864.^-^'^ 

The valley of the Tombigbee River was one of 
the most fertile regions in the South. Each 



84 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

year a large quantity of food was produced for 
the Confederate armies, and the winter of 1864 
found the plantations rich in grain and live 
stock. Realizing that the destruction of these 
resources would be a severe blow to the Con- 
federacy, a concerted raid upon the valley was 
planned. Two columns, one under W. T. Sher- 
man operating from Vicksburg and another 
composed of three brigades of cavalry com- 
manded by William Sooy Smith advancing from 
the north, were to meet at Meridian, Missis- 
sippi. On February 7th, Lieutenant Colonel 
Hepburn took command of the second brigade 
of Smith's division. At three o'clock on the 
morning of the eleventh he broke camp at Ger- 
mantown, Tennessee, and marched to join the 
main force at New Albany, Mississippi.^^^ 

The expedition moved south without inter- 
ference until a large force of Mississippi militia 
was encountered along Hoolka Creek north of 
Houston. From there the troopers swung to 
the left through Okolona and thence down the 
Mobile and Ohio Railroad, burning the ties and 
bending the rails as they went. Millions of 
bushels of corn, much of it marked C. S. A., and 
large quantities of cotton were destroyed. Hun- 
dreds of negroes came flocking to the Union 
lines with horses and mules. On February 20th 
a few miles north of West Point the Second 
Iowa Cavalry, which was in the van, was 



OPERATIONS ABOUT MEMPHIS 85 

checked by the first serious resistance. After 
an hour of sharp, fighting, however, the enemy 
was routed. 

It was then almost time for Sherman to start 
back to Vicksbnrg from Meridian, and Smith 
was still a hundred miles away. To the east the 
Tombigbee River could not be crossed; to the 
west was the Sakatonchee River and an im- 
passable swamp ; while south of West Point was 
the deep Oktibbeha Creek strongly defended. 
Encumbered with three thousand horses and 
mules, confronted by a superior force, and 
flanked by natural barriers, the expedition was 
in a veritable cul de sac. It was, indeed, a well 
set trap by which the Confederates confidently 
expected to capture the whole command. 

Fortunately the situation was discovered by 
Brigadier General Smith almost as soon as it 
was planned by the Confederates. On February 
21st the retrograde movement began. For 
some distance Hepburn's brigade covered the 
retreat without difficulty, but about nine miles 
north of West Point the enemy began to press 
forward faster than the Union skirmishers 
could fall back. While Forrest harassed the 
retreating column, Chalmers and Lee hurried to 
cut off escape at Pontotoc. It was not long until 
the rear guard was fighting desperately. There 
was not time for a battle. Line after line was 
formed and time after time the eager enemy 



86 



WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 



was checked, only to riisli forward again when 
Hepburn's men moved back to a new position. 
It was long after dark before the fighting 
ceased and then only after the Confederates 
were drawn twice into ambush. On the follow- 
ing day at sunrise the retreat and pursuit were 
resumed. A stampeded regiment threw the 
negroes and nearly all of Smith's troops into 
such confusion during the afternoon that it was 
necessary to halt and offer battle at Ivey's Hill. 
While the second brigade held back the charging 
rebels, order was restored. Darkness ended the 
bloody engagement. On February 23rd the 
column passed safely beyond the Tallahatchie 
River, having retreated sixty miles and fought 
every foot of the way day and night. 

The success of this remarkable retreat was 
due in a large measure to Lieutenant Colonel 
Hepburn. Fighting under the most unfavorable 
conditions his brigade was depended upon to 
protect the rear nearly all of the way. "The 
conduct of the entire Second Brigade", wrote 
Brigadier General Smith in his report, "was 
worthy of all praise", and Hepburn, as a 
"brave, skillful, and valuable" cavalry officer, 
was mentioned for promotion.^^- 

Three hundred and sixty of the Second Iowa 
Cavalry troopers reenlisted on March 1, 1864, 
for a term of three years or the duration of the 
war. They were mustered in as a veteran regi- 



OPERATIONS ABOUT MEMPHIS 87 

ment on March 28th. Lieutenant Colonel Hep- 
burn, who did not reenlist, was placed in 
command of all the dismounted cavalry in Grier- 
son's division and the non-veterans in the Sec- 
ond Iowa and the Third, Sixth, and Seventh 
Illinois cavalry regiments. These troops were 
concentrated in provisional quarters at Fort 
Pickering, Memphis. Within a week Hepburn 
had reorganized, armed, and equipped his 
provisional regiment, and during April the 
command was out on reconnaissances almost 
continually. The non-veterans were so well 
pleased with the provisional regiment that on 
Ma}^ 16th the officers asked that the organiza- 
tion be made permanent with Lieutenant Colo- 
nel Hepburn in command. The petition was 
not granted, however, and when the veteran 
regiments returned from a two months' fur- 
lough the provisional regiment was disbanded. 
Until he was mustered out on October 3, 1864, 
Lieutenant Colonel Hepburn served on details 
to inspect and purchase cavalry horses and to 
inquire into the condition of the Irving Block 
Prison in Memphis; he acted as president and 
judge advocate of courts martial in July; and 
in September was sent under a flag of truce to 
negotiate an exchange of prisoners.^ ^^ 



XII 

Readjustment in Civil Life 

At the end of his term of enlistment William P. 
Hepburn, like many another Union soldier, 
came face to face with the problem of finding 
an occupation in civil life. The property he had 
accumulated before the war was gone and the 
law practice he had left in the summer of 1861 
had long since passed into other hands. Profit- 
ing by immigration and industrial development 
Marshalltowai had grown to be a prosperous 
city in which the former prosecuting attorney 
was a stranger. In comparison with a pre- 
carious law practice in Iowa the vSoutli at that 
time seemed to offer far better opportunities 
for financial remuneration. 

In the South undeveloped natural resources 
furnished splendid chances for investment; 
merchants found eager buyers of food and 
clothing at fabulous prices ; and speculators en- 
countered little difficulty in promoting public 
utilities in strategically located cities. There, 
too, loyal men w^ith political aspirations worked 
zealously in behalf of the Republican adminis- 
tration. And so, long before the Union armies 



READJUSTMENT IN CIVIL LIFE 89 

were withdrawn, the South was invaded by a 
host of Northern fortune-seekers and politi- 
cians. Resolved to take advantage of recon- 
struction in the South and realizing that his 
military associations would attract the legal 
business of army men* Colonel Hepburn re- 
moved with his family to Memphis, Tennessee, 
in the autumn of 1864 and opened a law office.^^'* 
Fortune seems to have smiled upon the 
Colonel, for by the end of a year he had estab- 
lished a profitable law practice. Working 
faithfully to maintain national authority and 
courageously seeking to prevent the disloyal 
element from gaining control of the local gov- 
ernment, he became one of the political leaders 
of the city. Indeed, at one time he contemplated 
the organization of a party under the banner of 
Republicanism, the better to resist the concerted 
attempt of Southern politicians to rob emanci- 
pation of its fruits. ^•''^ 

Toward the end of the year 1865 Mrs. Hep- 
burn and the children returned to Iowa City on 
account of the ill health of Mrs. Hepburn ; and 
Colonel Hepburn, heartily tired of living in the 
South, decided to dispose of his business. The 
feeling against Northern men was becoming 
stronger every day and the spirit of ostracism 
more manifest. In a few months the military 
work would be completed; and the prospect of 
making a living from a regular practice in com- 



90 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

petition with nearly five hundred other attor- 
neys at the Memphis bar was anything but 
encouraging. Neither did restaurant board and 
sleeping quarters in the office militate in favor 
of a protracted sojourn in Memphis. ^^^ 

Although he was anxious to return to Iowa, 
Colonel Hepburn found it difficult to leave the 
South without venturing into the field of specu- 
lation. Before disposing of his law business he 
became interested in the Memphis Street Rail- 
way Company ; but the stock he received in pay- 
ment for legal services proved to be unsalable. 
In June, 1866, he entertained hopes of being 
appointed attorney general of Memphis with an 
annual income of fifteen thousand dollars, but 
in that too he was disappointed. He next se- 
cured a franchise from the State legislature 
authorizing the organization of a freight load- 
ing company which promised magnificent re- 
turns, but the mayor of Memphis refused to 
grant a right of way and the case was thrown 
into the courts. Delay followed delay until 
nearly two years had elapsed.^^'^ 

Fighting for franchise privileges and hoping 
for lucrative political appointments. Colonel 
Hepburn, with his characteristic optimism, kept 
up the quest of ever vanishing fortunes. It was 
in harmony with his disposition to look for a 
possible bright side of affairs when only the 
gloomy side was visible. In reflecting upon his 



READJUSTI\IENT IN CIVIL LIFE 91 

experience in Memphis lie compared himself to 
the men who 'Svent to California years ago full 
of hope and brilliant anticipations of future re- 
ward — who worked earnestly and with, as they 
thought, reasonable prospects of success — 
which success however managed to keep con- 
stantly in the distance — just beyond their 
grasp, but always as they thought within their 
view. Though it ivoiiJd elude them, they could 
not bear the idea of abandoning the hope of 
attaining it. They doubtless many and many a 
time fixed a day certain, when, if fate did not 
smile more propitiously, they would abandon 
their 'game of chance' and return to the slower 
methods of securing competency at home. Yet 
when the time would come, they would think of 
some means as yet untried, and would postpone 
the hour of abandonment of dreams long cher- 
ished — of surrendering all hope of results from 
efforts long protracted, and would renew their 
energy and their efforts, and struggle on until 
another day, fixed still in the future. "^^* 

Finally in May, 1867, a letter brought the in- 
formation that Clarinda, Iowa, afforded a good 
opening for a lawyer and that Colonel Hepburn 
had been recommended as a suitable person to 
edit a newspaper in that town. Hastily con- 
cluding his business in Memphis he went to 
Iowa City and from there, with letters of intro- 
duction written by William E. Miller, he set out 



92 



WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 



once more to seek a livelihood on the frontier of 
Iowa. On the afternoon of June 30, 1867, the 
stage coach in which he was riding came to the 
crest of a hill overlooking the town of Clarinda. 
Below, as far as the eye could see, lay the fertile 
valley of the Nodaway River. Struck by the 
beauty of the country, he there resolved, if for- 
tune favored, to build his future home upon that 
hill.i=^^ 

Having secured a half interest in the Page 
County Herald, Mr. Hepburn brought his fam- 
ily from Iowa City to begin anew the battle of 
life. A printer by trade, he not only edited the 
paper but did the necessary press work. What- 
ever of promise as a journalist he may have 
exhibited it appears that he regarded the news- 
paper work as only a temporary occupation 
until a practice in the legal profession could be 
established. So when his brother-in-law, W. W. 
Morsman, came to Clarinda in September, 1867, 
a partnership was formed and the two men 
opened a law office. ^^*^ Theirs was not a pre- 
tentious place of business with its hickory 
seated chairs and a plain table piled high with 
law books ; but clients were plentiful and within 
a year the firm had become well known in the 
southwestern part of the State. Indeed, the 
business increased so rapidly that in March, 
1869, Herbert H. Scott was taken into the office 
as an assistant, and two years later Hepburn 



READJUSTMENT IN CIVIL LIFE 93 

and Morsman dissolved partnership, each con- 
tinuing to practice independently until Septem- 
ber, 1872, when the firm of Hepburn and Scott 
was established. On January 1, 1875, Warren 
F. Thummel succeeded Mr. Scott as Colonel 
Hepburn's partner.^'*^ 

Few of the cases in which Hepburn served as 
counsel were of great importance either in the 
amount of money involved or the points of law 
in dispute. Indeed, his experience was no dif- 
ferent from that of many a humble practitioner. 
A multitude of trivial cases were handled, and 
occasionally he carried a legal contest into the 
higher courts. After a few years his clients 
began to come from the neighboring counties; 
and when the Burlington railroad was com- 
pleted to Council Bluffs he was employed by 
that company to attend to a large share of its 
legal business in Iowa. He was not preemi- 
nently successful in winning favorable court 
decisions. At the same time his ability to settle 
cases out of court and his skill as an advocate 
were universally recognized. Sincerity and 
energy were the characteristics for which he 
was best known as an attorney. Three elections 
to membership on the executive council of the 
Iowa State Bar Association testify to his popu- 
larity among his fellows. ^"^^ 

While Colonel Hepburn was winning an envi- 
able reputation in his profession he was quick 



94 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

to sense the needs of the community in which he 
livecL^^^ On March 26, 1869, when a spirited 
convention was held in Clarinda for the purpose 
of organizing a company to promote the con- 
struction of a railroad in the Nodaway Valley 
from Van Meter to the Missouri line, Hepburn 
appears to have been one of the leading dele- 
gates, and he was elected secretary of the com- 
pany. Nothing, however, came of the project, 
and prospects for a railroad through Clarinda 
were at a low ebb until February, 1872, when 
the Brownville and Nodaway Valley Railway 
Company was organized with W. P. Hepburn as 
one of the charter members. By means of a 
vigorous campaign thirty thousand dollars 
worth of stock was sold to the citizens of Clar- 
inda and Nodaway Township. Hepburn not 
only subscribed to the capital stock but in ad- 
dition made a donation to aid in building the 
road. Construction began in July, and on Sep- 
tember 24, 1872, the last rail was laid between 
Villisca and Clarinda.^" 

Colonel Hepburn had not been in Clarinda 
three days before he was called upon to make a 
public address on the occasion of a reunion of 
old soldiers.i^^ From that day, July 3, 1867, 
dates the period of his political influence in 
southwestern Iowa. Almost immediately he 
plunged into a heated campaign for the election 
of N. B. Moore to the State Senate. During the 



READJUSTMENT IN CIVIL LIFE 95 

montlis of August and September he spoke in 
every schoolliouse in Page County and in all 
the towns of the district, while the editorials in 
the Page County Herald voiced his most vigor- 
ous Republican arguments. Mr. Moore was 
elected and Hepburn gained a reputation for 
political sagacity.^'*^' 

The following year he assumed a prominent 
place in politics. Both as a soldier and as a 
Republican he was intensely interested in the 
success of the Republican ticket. On the sixth 
and seventh of May, 1868, he was a delegate to 
three political conventions in Des Moines. 
Simultaneously with the Republican conven- 
tions of the State and of the Fifth Congres- 
sional District the soldiers and sailors of Iowa 
met to endorse the Republican candidates, to 
repudiate the administration of Andrew John- 
son, and to select delegates to a national con- 
vention to be held in Chicago on May 19th. 
Hepburn acted as a secretary of the Congres- 
sional convention, and by the soldiers and sail- 
ors he was delegated to attend their national 
convention. Two weeks later he participated 
in the enthusiastic soldiers' and sailors' na- 
tional convention which pledged "earnest and 
acting support to the Republican party", gave 
three groans for James W. Grimes and Andrew 
Johnson, and adjourned "subject to the call 
of the President." On the following two 



96 



WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 



days he attended the national Republican 
convention in Chicago where he witnessed the 
unanimous nomination of Grant upon the first 
ballot and heard the name of James Harlan 
mentioned for the Vice Presidency. During the 
campaign that summer his earnest and forceful 
manner made him "one of the most effective 
speakers in western Iowa". At the great Re- 
publican barbecue held in Des Moines on Octo- 
ber 24th he delivered a brilliant speech.^^^ 

In 1869 no name was "more favorably men- 
tioned" for Lieutenant Governor than that of 
Colonel Hepburn. Before the Republican State 
convention met, however, he requested that his 
name should not be used in that connection. No 
reasons were given. "This withdrawal will 
cause much surprise and also much regret, for 
the Colonel has many warm supporters," wrote 
the editor of the loiva State Register. South- 
western Iowa seemed to be " pretty generally in 
his favor", while in political circles his chances 
had been counted good.^^^ 

In 1870 he was firm in his endorsement of 
Grant and the enforcement of the Fifteenth 
Amendment, but he found himself so completely 
out of sjmipathy with the administration in 
1872 that he joined the Liberal Republicans in 
support of Horace Greeley. Political corrup- 
tion was so perceptible in Washington, he said, 
that the man in the moon was compelled to hold 



READJUSTMENT IN CIVIL LIFE 97 

his nose while passing over. At a time when a 
man's standing in church depended upon mem- 
bership in a Republican club it took courage for 
Hepburn to become a leader in the "miscegna- 
tion of the Liberal Republicans and Democrats" 
to defeat Grant. Confident of the success of 
this ''great political enterprise", he attended 
the Liberal Republican convention in Des 
Moines and served on the committee to confer 
with the Democrats and report a joint ticket.^*^ 
Contrary to the expectations of those who 
organized the movement in Iowa, the election in 
1872 did not result favorably for the Liberal 
Republicans. In the years that followed many 
of the members became Anti-Monopolists; but 
Colonel Hepburn, always loyal to Republican 
principles and hopeful that a new administra- 
tion would renovate the departments in Wash- 
ington, returned to his party in 1876. Further- 
more, Anti-Monopolism in Iowa was almost 
entirely an anti-railroad movement so that it 
was impossible for Hepburn, a railroad attor- 
ney, to s^nnpathize with such a program. In 
the Republican State convention held on May 
31, 1876, he spoke bitterly against Democratic 
perfidy and urged the Republicans to keep up 
the struggle for the freedom of the negro. This 
speech was probably responsible for his nomi- 
^nation by acclamation as one of the Presiden- 
tial electors-at-large.^^'^ 



98 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

The Iowa State Register declared that excep- 
tionally good men had been chosen to head the 
electoral ticket, and predicted that Hepburn 
would ' ' lead in the fight with the fervor and the 
enthusiasm of real leadership." In various 
parts of the State the Colonel spoke in favor of 
the Hayes policy of reform in the civil service ; 
and he supported conciliation with the South as 
a means of establishing fair administration for 
all classes of citizens, thereby proving himself 
consistent with his attitude in 1872 and demon- 
strating his inherent desire for honest govern- 
ment. At the close of the campaign it was 
asserted that there was no better orator in Iowa 
— ''none that can more completely gain and 
retain the attention. "^^^ 



XIII 

FiEST Election to Congress 

The Republican convention of the Eighth Con- 
gressional District in 1880 furnished one of the 
closest political contests in the history of Iowa. 
Five months before the delegates gathered at 
the court house in Council Bluffs on Friday, 
August 13th, Congressman William F. Sapp, 
''in excellent health and spirits", returned from 
Washington to secure his third consecutive 
nomination for Congress. In April three other 
candidates were announced — all with military 
records. Major Albert R. Anderson of Fre- 
mont County, who was then serving his fourth 
year as district attorney, claimed nearly as 
large a following as Colonel Sapp. Some 
people thought that twelve years of experience 
in the General xlssembly w^ould make Lieuten- 
ant John Y. Stone of Mills County a strong 
candidate; while the Republicans of Page 
County were confident that there was no abler 
man in the eighth district than Colonel ''Pete" 
Hepburn. A fortnight before the convention 
met Colonel Sapp and Major Anderson seemed 
to be well in the lead, although both Lieutenant 

99 



100 WILLIAM PETEKS HEPBURN 

Stone and Colonel Hepburn had substantial 
support. ^^- 

At the appointed time the delegates were 
called to order, and the work of organization 
was quickly completed. Friday afternoon was 
well advanced when Lafayette Young placed the 
name of A. R. Anderson before the convention 
as a candidate for Congress. John W. Chap- 
man followed with a speech in nomination of 
W. F. Sapp. In a few words T. E. Clark stated 
the grave responsibilities of a Congressman 
and asked the convention to nominate ''a man 
whose very name elicits applause" — W. P. 
Hepburn from the banner Republican county of 
the district. Mr. Stone was nominated by S. V. 
Proudfit, and the four-cornered fight began. ^^^ 

On the first ballot there were fifty-four votes 
for Sapp, thirty-six and one-half for Anderson, 
thirteen and one-half for Hepburn, and nine for 
Stone. Although Colonel Sapp received the 
unanimous support of the delegates from Audu- 
bon, Harrison, Montgomery, Pottawattamie, 
Ringgold, and Taylor counties, he lacked three 
votes of having a majority. Adams, Cass, 
Fremont, Shelby, and Union counties went on 
record for Anderson; ten votes from Page 
County and three and one-half from Union 
were cast for Hepburn; while the Mills County 
delegation voted solidly for Stone. With 
scarcely a waver in the ranks of the different 



FIRST ELECTION TO CONGRESS Id 

factions the voting continued at the rate of one 
ballot every two minutes during the remainder 
of the afternoon and evening until the weary 
delegates had expressed their choice of candi- 
dates one hundred and ten times. 

On Saturday the convention kept on balloting. 
Roll call followed roll call with the same mo- 
notonous result. Fifty-four delegates persisted 
in voting for Colonel Sapp ; while the remaining 
fifty-nine, though hopelessly divided, just as 
stubbornly refused to swell the support of the 
candidate from Council Blutfs by a single tally. 
When the one hundred and seventy-second bal- 
lot was announced and there was still no sign 
of a break the convention adjourned until the 
following Tuesday. 

It was hoped that some decision could be 
reached during the recess, but the one hundred 
and seventy-third ballot was the same as the 
first had been — Sapp fifty-four, Anderson 
thirty-six and one-half, Hepburn thirteen and 
one-half, and Stone nine. The contest was de- 
veloping into a test of physical endurance. Yet 
with all the maneuvering the fight was so open, 
so fair, and so free from wire-pulling that the 
best of feeling prevailed. It was said that T. E. 
Clark offered every cent he had — the princely 
sum of three dollars — for the use of the Potta- 
wattamie cheering committee for ten minutes. 

On Tuesday afternoon Colonel Hepburn ere- 



102 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ated a sensation by asking- general consent to 
address the convention. In a short, candid 
speech he stated that party interests should be 
placed above the desires of any individual and 
inasmuch as the deadlock might prove to be 
injurious to Republican harmony he withdrew 
his name, hoping that his action would aid in 
settling the vexed question. Following this 
announcement, which was greeted with loud 
cheers, a well sustained effort was made to 
nominate Judge J. R. Reed of Council Bluffs. 
The boom was unsuccessful, however, and on 
the two hundred and sixty-seventh ballot Cass, 
Union, Page, Adams, and Shelby counties 
swung back to Hepburn with forty-one votes. 
After ten more roll calls the convention ad- 
journed for supper. 

During the evening session on Tuesday sev- 
eral ''dark horses" were trotted out only to be 
driven into retirement after a few ballots. 
Anderson and Stone each enjoyed a brief sea- 
son of hope until Hepburn again gave promise 
of taking the lead. For a while there were a 
few scattering votes for Lafe Young followed 
by an attempt to nominate J. W. McDill or 
John W. Chapman. Whispered consultations 
and caucuses were frequent and votes were cast 
with apparent disregard of consequences though 
in reality with the utmost caution lest per- 
chance some candidate should receive an un- 



FIRST ELECTION TO CONGRESS 103 

intended majority. All through the skirmish 
for advantage the loyal fifty-four never faltered 
in their allegiance to Colonel Sapp. On the 
three hundred and twentieth ballot the conven- 
tion voted exactly as at the beginning five days 
before. 

"When the delegates began to gather on 
Wednesday morning a general nervousness was 
perceptible. The Sapp contingent began to 
realize that it would be impossible to stampede 
the opposition. It was equally certain that 
without the help of the Sapp delegates the ma- 
jority could not concentrate on any candidate. 
The delegation from Pottawattamie began to 
scatter and several new candidates were intro- 
duced. At one time it appeared that J. P. Flick 
would be nominated, but at the critical moment 
he withdrew and his followers turned to Hep- 
burn. The dinner hour arrived but the con- 
vention refused to adjourn. The tide which 
had begun to flow in favor of Clarinda's favor- 
ite son could not be stopped. 

At last came the fateful three hundred and 
forty-sixth ballot with sixty-one votes for 
Hepburn. Before the secretaries could an- 
nounce the result the Page County delegation 
was ** delirious with delight", and in another 
moment the excitement had spread through the 
whole convention. "Hats flew to the ceiling, 
one delegate swinging a linen coat from the 



104 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

vantage ground of a table, another performed 
acrobatic feats on a chair that were astonishing, 
while the building shook with the wild cheer- 
ing." Colonel Hepburn was conducted to the 
platform where he expressed his appreciation 
of the honor that had been conferred upon him 
and promised his best efforts toward success in 
the ensuing campaign.^*^^ 

For Hepburn the homeward trip from Coun- 
cil Bluffs to Clarinda consisted of a series of 
ovations. At Red Oak three or four hundred 
people offered a heart}" demonstration of good 
will. At Villisca he was met by an enthusiastic 
aggregation of fellow-townsmen headed by a 
brass band. When the train pulled into Clar- 
inda a procession was formed, the future Con- 
gressman was placed in a carriage, and the 
crowd moved to the public square for a general 
celebration in the course of which several ardent 
speeches were made. After thanking the people 
for their kind reception the Colonel, mindful of 
the sacrifices of those who had contributed to 
his success, assured his friends that their fidel- 
ity would never be forgotten and pledged him- 
self to labor earnestly for a great Republican 
victory in the eighth district. ^^^ 

The nomination of "Pete" Hepburn was 
greeted with whole-hearted approval through-- 
out the State. While the opposition to William 
F. Sapp was bitter in many parts of the district, 



FIRST ELECTION TO CONGRESS 105 

the feeling against Hepburn was confined to 
restricted sections. It was tlionglit that he 
could do more than any other candidate to unite 
the various factions of the party. The loiva 
State Register regarded the Colonel as ''one of 
the most intellectual men in Iowa" who would 
"make a brilliant canvass, and a brilliant Con- 
gressman." As a popular speaker he was 
characterized as the "Ingersoll of the slope", 
perhaps one of the most "fluent, captivating, 
intelligent and instructive stump speakers west 
of the Mississippi river." The Duhuqiie Times 
could only pity the competitor of this "bright, 
dashing, brilliant, original, witty, .... 
and gifted politician ' '. A Clarinda editor cher- 
ished the utmost confidence in his character and 
capacity. At a time when the Congressional 
delegation from Iowa was noted for the ability 
of its members, Hepburn was ranked among the 
most prominent. ^^^ 

It was everywhere conceded that the Repub- 
lican candidate would experience little difficulty 
in being elected in spite of all that the Demo- 
crats and Greenbackers could do. In the cam- 
paign Colonel Hepburn discovered that his 
record in 1872 was the stock argument of the 
opposition. Though he had stood for Repub- 
lican principles all his life and had campaigned 
with James G. Blaine in 1879 there were some 
Stalwarts who feared that because he had 



106 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

''bolted" once lie was susceptible every now 
and then of being "thrown into a democratic 
cramp colic". He was not infrequently re- 
minded that the man in the moon was still 
holding his nose. It was asserted that a Con- 
gressman with variegated politics would be 
governed by his whims rather than by sound 
judgment. If Hepburn should be elected the 
Page County Democrat hoped that he would 
"lay aside his overbearing and willful preju- 
dices and treat mankind in a way that will in 
the future add more to his manhood than the 
way he has acted in the past." In August it 
was estimated that he would be elected by four 
thousand majority, but when the votes were 
counted in November his majority was more 
than five thousand four hundred, and he had a 
plurality of over eleven thousand. ^^''' 

As early as February, 1881, Colonel Hepburn 
began to read up in parliamentary law and con- 
stitutional history. Upon the advice of Senator 
Samuel J. Kirkwood he went to Washington to 
attend the inaugiiration of James A. Garfield, 
his former comrade on the staff of General 
William S. Rosecrans.^^^ By the middle of the 
following November he was again at the capital 
ready to assume his new duties. He took the 
oath of office as the Representative of the 
Eighth Congressional District of Iowa on 
December 5, 1881.^^^ 




ilA.IOU WII.LIA.M I'KTKRS IIKPBIRX 



XIV 

Opposition to Pork Barrel Legislation 

It was on the seventeenth of June, 1882, that 
William P. Hepburn first participated in de- 
bate on the floor of the House of Representa- 
tives. He proposed to strike out that portion 
of the river and harbor bill which authorized 
the construction of levees along the Mississippi 
River. In support of this amendment he con- 
tended that the only people Avho were interested 
in the improvement of the Mississippi River 
were those who desired to facilitate navigation 
and those who wished to protect adjacent land 
from inundation. It was admitted by the com- 
mission in charge of the work, he said, that the 
expensive levee system was not imperatively 
necessary to deepen the channel of the stream ; 
so it appeared that those who advocated the 
construction of levees in reality cared nothing 
for the improvement of the Mississippi as a 
great highway of commerce but were looking 
solely to the reclamation of the overflowed 
lands of the farmers along the river. He 
feared that under the pretense of conducting a 
national work the country at large was being 

107 



108 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

saddled with a burden that properly belonged 
to the States.i^*^ 

Thus it was that Colonel Hepburn in his 
maiden speech sounded the keynote of his most 
important work during the first three terms of 
his service in Congress. In every session he 
protested vigorously against the expenditure of 
money for public improvements which seemed 
to him unwise.^^^ While there were some 
praiseworthy items in the river and harbor 
bill which he heartily endorsed he did not hesi- 
tate to voice his opposition to the use of public 
money for local works. If, in his opinion, the 
preponderance of the bill was good he gave it 
his vote — but not without first doing his ut- 
most to eliminate the bad features. ^'^- 

When the Civil A¥ar closed the Mississippi 
River to the commerce of the Northwest, the 
transportation of agricultural products to the 
Atlantic seaports was handled by the railroads ; 
and never again did New Orleans regain her 
place as the great outlet of the Mississippi Val- 
ley. It was with that fact in mind that Con- 
gressman Hepburn approached the question of 
appropriating millions of dollars to deepen the 
Mississippi River by means of levees when the 
river could be made sufficiently navigable by 
removing snags and sand bars at comparatively 
small expense. He pointed out that when there 
were ''volumes of water there that would float 




WILLIAM PETKRS HEPBURN 



PORK BARREL LEGISLATION 109 

the navies of the world" Southern CongTess- 
men agitated improvement, but when the people 
farther north desired to make the stream nav- 
igable (hiring periods of low water these gentle- 
men were not interested. Again and again he 
asserted that he was "heartily in favor of 
proper appropriations for the improvement of 
the navigation of the Mississippi River", but 
he was "not in favor of appropriations for the 
improvement of the banks of the Mississippi 
River and the plantations on either side of 

it ".163 

When the annual river and harbor bill came 
before the House in 1885 Hepburn arose to say 
that he did not approve of spending enormous 
sums for the improvement of the Mississippi 
River when not one of the ' ' distinguished engi- 
neers that have charge of this work has yet had 
the temerity to say in any official document that 
their plans will result in success. Year after 
year they come to us saying that the whole 
scheme is experimental in its character. . . 
. . Yet this bill permits the commission to go 
on in a lavish outlay of public money solely for 
the purpose, as I believe, of improving and en- 
hancing in value the private property of citi- 
zens."^*''* 

The cost of building an artificial bank in mid- 
river and covering at least one natural bank 
from Cairo to the mouth of the river with mat- 



110 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

tresses made of wire and brusli was estimated 
by a Congressional committee to be nearly a 
hundred million dollars. It was the ''solemn 
judgment" of the same committee that levees 
were not ' ' essential to the improvement of low- 
water navigation of the Mississippi, and that 
their construction for such a purpose can not 
be justified." Furthermore, there w^ere many 
engineers who believed that the levee system 
would not be beneficial when the river was at 
flood, except to protect adjacent land from in- 
undation. In the interest of improving the nav- 
igation of the Mississippi, therefore, rather 
than the private property along its course, Hep- 
burn offered a number of amendments, the chief 
object of which was to prevent the construction 
of levees on property owned by private parties 
or municipalities, to abandon the levee system, 
or to confine it to the completion of experiment- 
al work already undertaken.^*^^ 

Not only did Hepburn condemn the method 
of improving the Mississippi River but he was 
equally emphatic in his appeal for economy in 
carrying on the work. He was puzzled to know 
how the Mississippi River Commission could 
use fifty-four ' ' full-fledged cooks ' '. Neither did 
it appear reasonable, he thought, to pay almost 
half a million dollars annually to civil engineers 
while there were nearly fifteen hundred West 
Point graduates, educated by the government, 



PORK BARREL LEGISLATION m 

who were "loitering away tlieir time at frontier 
posts, where they are absolutely doing nothing; 
and by a proper detail they might be placed in 
such a situation that they would be earning 
their monthly pay" and at the same time 
"carry on with increased efficiency these vari- 
ous needed improvements. "^''''' 

Another feature of the river and harbor bill 
of 1885 which provided for the improvement of 
the harbor of Galveston, Texas, at a cost of 
nearly nine million dollars prompted the Colo- 
nel to inquire if it would not be cheaper for the 
United States to move Galveston to a harbor 
tlian to try to move the harbor to Galveston. 
While he had "no objection to the appropria- 
tion of a reasonable sum to accomplish this 
improvement", he thought there should be a 
proper relation between the expenditure and 
the importance of the project. Statistics jjroved 
that the total value of the exports of Texas was 
less than thirty million dollars annually, that 
the production of corn and wheat was insuffi- 
cient for domestic consumption, and that of the 
six million cattle that roamed over the prairies 
of the State not seventeen thousand dollars 
worth had been shipped from Galveston in 1883. 
"Would it not be better", he asked, "to pack 
the attenuated carcasses of her beeves in their 
immense and wondrous horns and float them 
out to vessels over the Galveston Barl"^*"'' 



112 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

It was during the Fortj'-nintli Congress that 
Hepburn made his most determined fight 
against the practice of appropriating money for 
local and unnecessary public works. When the 
river and harbor bill came before the House 
for debate he took the floor to oppose the waste- 
ful features of the bill. He believed that some 
of the proposed appropriations were "without 
any justification or without any warrant what- 
ever", that they were "simply a prodigal, 
wasteful throwing away of the people's 
money." With an insight that disconcerted 
the opposition he pointed out the "jokers" in 
the bill, denouncing the attempt to secure funds 
for unknown rivers and harbors under the guise 
of reputable internal improvements. ^^'^'' 

The whole bill, he asserted, w^as characterized 
by appropriations for works of absolutely no 
importance in interstate commerce. "What 
right have you of Louisiana to tax the people 
of Iowa in order to raise your lands above the 
point of overflow?", he exclaimed in the heat of 
his argument against levees. "There are 
$10,000,000 appropriated to States and im- 
provements within the limits of States, and 
eleven gentlemen upon the committee that 
draughted this bill have secured more than six 
millions out of a total of ten millions. And yet 
we are told that there is no locality favored, no 
sectionalism in this bill."^*'^ 



PORK BARREL LEGISLATION 113 

In reph^ to a charge that he opposed the 
river and harbor bill because there was no op- 
propriation in it for Iowa, Hepburn indignantly 
inquired if no man had a right to talk about it 
''except those that have got interests in it, ex- 
cept those that have got appropriations for 
their own States, that have some of the pork in 
the barrel?"^'*' He decried the policy of dis- 
tributing appropriations to the advantage of 
the localities represented in the Committee on 
Rivers and Harbors. "Look at Michigan!", 
said he. "She has been well represented in the 
committee; magnificently in the bill. I doubt 
whether there is an inlet to the land from the 
surrounding lakes which has not a place in this 
bill. They are all named without regard to the 
unpronounceable character of their names. "^'' 

Although the improvement of the Missouri 
River along the western border of Iowa was 
agitated, that project did not beguile Hepburn 
from his position. He steadfastly refused to 
squander money for public works wdiicli he 
deemed impracticable. Not more than ten 
steamboats had passed Council Bluffs in five 
years, he asserted without fear of contradiction. 
Over a stretch of more than a thousand miles 
there was absolutely no commerce for the bene- 
fit of which the Missouri River should be made 
navigable. Furthermore, he thought it would 
be utter folly to attempt to control a stream 



114 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

that changed its course a distance of eight miles 
in a single night and during periods of high 
water became ''a roaring, raging torrent, ex- 
tending from bluff to bluff, overwhelming the 
whole country ".^'- 

In the course of the debate it was insinuated 
that the Congressman from the eighth district 
of Iowa opposed the improvement of the Mis- 
souri River because he was a friend of railroad 
monopoly. Since the whole purpose of making 
the river navigable was to furnish cheap trans- 
portation to comjDete with the railroads, ran 
this argument, he who opposed the one must 
ispo facto favor the other. ''There is no rail- 
way in the world that I have any more interest 
in than any other citizen of the United States", 
said Hepburn in reply. "I am not one of those 
. . . . always ready to howl against cor- 
porations of this kind because in certain circles 
and among certain men it is popular, because 
there are votes to be had by that kind of pro- 
cedure."^'^ 

From the time Colonel Hepburn entered Con- 
gress his opposition to the river and harbor 
bill became more determined each year until in 
1887 he was ready to resort to every legitimate 
means of preventing the passage of the ob- 
noxious measure. He frankly proposed to go 
as far as the rules of the House would permit 
in order to obstruct any bill which he believed 



PORK BARREL LEGISLATION 115 

to be essentially wrong. If it were not for the 
"joining of interests and the securing of the 
assent of members by appeals to them in the 
direction of their personal and local interests" 
the bill, he was confident, would not receive the 
support of half the members of the House ; and 
on the basis of that assumption he challenged 
the attention of the country to every section.^"'* 

So successful were the parliamentary tactics 
of ''the great triumvirate" — William P. Hep- 
burn of Iowa, John A. Anderson of Kansas, 
and Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin — that 
the friends of the bill threatened to cut off de- 
bate by suspending the rules. ^'^ During the 
greater part of three sittings of the committee 
of the whole the filibuster continued. Now it 
was the exasperating cry of "no quorum" on 
almost every vote ; now it was a tedious call of 
the yeas and nays ; now it was a meaningless 
amendment to strike out the last word; now a 
frivolous point of order was debated ; and now 
the clerk was directed to read the entire bill. 
Thus the contest waged until debate Avas closed 
and the bill passed in precisely the same form 
in which it had been introduced nearly three 
weeks before. ^'"^ 

In spite of the fact that he was censured for 
taking advantage of the rules of the House and 
delaying legislation for the selfish purpose of 
obstructing a measure that was certain to pass, 



116 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

that be was accused of working in the interest 
of monopolies, and that he was chided for mak- 
ing- Pickwickian speeches, Colonel Hepburn 
never faltered in his opposition to the river 
and harbor bill — although he realized that 
nothing he could say would change the attitude 
of any of his colleagues. There were some fea- 
tures of the bill which he would have been glad 
to support, but he was unwilling to obtain the 
improvement of the great waterways and har- 
bors of the country at the expense of paying a 
still larger amount for the improvement of 
unknown streams and inlets. "Would it be 
courtesy to intimate", said Hepburn during the 
last day of debate in the committee of the whole, 
* ' why there might be a reason ' ' for a Michigan 
Congressman advocating the bill? "Michigan 
is not known for its great rivers that enter into 
the interstate commerce of this country. And 
yet there are provisions for the improvement 
of seven of those rivers. Twenty-three slices 
of the pork that are in this barrel go to the 
peninsular State of Michigan."^" 



XV 

An Advocate of Pensions 

Before William P. Hepburn liad completed his 
third term in the House of Representatives he 
was acknowledged to be one of the leaders on 
the Republican side. His determined tight 
against the River and Harbor Bill made him a 
national figure, while on the floor of the House 
his remarks on any subject commanded the at- 
tention of friends and opponents alike. It was 
said that he possessed ''one of the sharpest 
tongues in Congress"; which had earned for 
him a reputation for aggressiveness in debate. 
A newspaper correspondent asserted that he 
would "fight a buzz saw going in either direc- 
tion." Thoroughly familiar with parliamentary 
methods of obstruction, fearless of adverse 
opinion, and quick at retort he was Avell quali- 
fied to lead the minority in opposition to the 
Democratic legislative program. ^''^ 

It was in connection with military and pen- 
sion legislation that Hepburn most frequently 
engaged in partisan controversy. The antip- 
athy of the "Southern brigadiers" to liberal 
pensions for oJd soldiers of the Union army 

117 



118 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

brought the Colonel to his feet on several og- 
casions with a scornful denunciation of the tac- 
tics of Southern Democrats and their Northern 
allies. '*I tell you, sir," he exclaimed toward 
the end of the debate on the question of passing 
the Dependent Pensions Bill over President 
Cleveland's veto, ''that while those gentlemen 
[Andrew J. Warner and Edward S. Bragg] did 
occupy honored places in the great army, and 
were everywhere esteemed, yet they are looked 
upon by the Grand Army to-day, when they rise 
in their places here to denounce their old com- 
rades as vagabonds and scamps and perjurers 
and the scum of humanity", much in the same 
light that the traitor Benedict Arnold was re- 
garded by his former comrades in arms. To- 
ward the Congressmen who had worn the Con- 
federate uniform Hepburn was scarcely less 
scornful; for it was they, he said, who would 
sustain "the President's cruel veto". "Not 
one of our Southern brethren, for political rea- 
sons, has had the courage of his convictions and 
dared to speak here as he will vote. Why? 
Because it would challenge the attention of the 
Northern Democratic soldiers to this united 
opposition of those that once were opposed to 
us". 

For "terseness of expression, for clearness 
of statement, for force of logic, for clear cut 
eloquence, I never heard it [the speech on the 



ADVOCATE OF PENSIONS 119 

pension bill] excelled during^ all the years 
which I have served here", said William D. 
Kelley in congratulating Hepburn, ''and I do 
not forget Henry Winter Davis, or Robert C. 
Schenck, or Thaddeus Stevens, or the brilliant 
W^adsworth. "^''^ 

That the friendship of Colonel Hepburn won 
the life-long gratitude of the old soldiers is evi- 
denced by thousands of letters. If you ' ' share 
your last biscuit" mth a man, said he, ''if you 
go hungry with him, and then observe how he 
bears himself, and the fortitude he brings to the 
service .... if you march with him in 
the battle's line when the shot and shell are 
bringing death and ruin on every hand ; if you 
see that there is no flinching there, but that he 
is ready to go on to the line, and over the line, 
you then have an opportunity to test the man- 
hood and see the qualities that are in him, and 
that bind your heart to his for all time, no 
matter where you meet .... because you 
know that the comrade is worthy of the clasp 
of your hand". Toward the man who had de- 
voted the best years of his life to the preserva- 
tion of the Union the Colonel believed that the 
United States government could not be too 
generous. ^^*^ 

During the forty-seventh, forty-eighth, and 
forty-ninth Congresses he presented nearly 
sixty petitions in the interest of his comrades, 



120 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

and lie introduced more than that number of 
private pension bills. Of the pension bills he 
introduced twelve became laws, three more 
passed the House but failed in the Senate, and 
one was vetoed by President Cleveland. The 
proposal to establish a soldier's home west of 
the Mississippi met his hearty approval; and 
when it was discovered that in spite of the over- 
crowded soldiers' homes there were more than 
nine thousand honorably discharged soldiers of 
the Union army in the poorhouses of the coun- 
try, he advocated the appropriation of two mil- 
lion dollars to be distributed in the form of 
outdoor relief to these needy men. In 1887 he 
voted for the Dependent Pensions Bill both on 
its initial passage and again in opposition to 
the President's veto.^^^ 

The Southern Democrats were none too 
friendly toward the old soldiers of the Union 
army — an attitude which led the Republicans 
to make charges of sectionalism and lack of 
patriotism. To these aspersions the Demo- 
crats replied by disparaging the Republican ad- 
ministration and deploring the practice of 
"waving the bloody shirt". The climax was 
reached in Hepburn's tilt with General Joseph 
Wheeler over the war record of Edwin M. 
Stanton. 

On May 11, 1886, the former Confederate 
cavalry leader in the heat of debate had referred 



ADVOCATE OF PENSIONS 121 

to Mr. Stanton as an ''arch conspirator". 
Colonel Hepburn was on his feet in an instant 
to say that Stanton "was the man who directed, 
as no other living man could, all of the maneu- 
vers and operations of the Federal Army 
. . . . That whipped you back into your 
allegiance to the Government. [Applause on 
the Republican side.] He was the man who 
made it possible for you to be here in this 
exalted place to be his maligner and slanderer. 
[Applause on the Republican side.] He is dead 
now and can not answer you, but notwithstand- 
ing you try to blacken his memory, although 
you live to-day because that man was willing, 
among others, that you might live and not have 
the halter around your neck that you had 
won. ' ' ^ - - 

On June 4th General Wheeler obtained unan- 
imous consent to "reply to the unjust reflection 
which emanated from the gentleman from 
low^a." For an hour and a half he addressed 
the House, nearly every moment of which was 
consumed with an assault upon the conduct of 
Secretary Stanton during the Civil War: he 
was constrained to substantiate his assertion 
that Stanton had "sought to conspire to drag 
down officers who did not conform to his 
views", or else confess that his charge had l)een 
unfounded. By means of garbled quotations 
and false conclusions he endeavored to prove 



122 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

that Stanton, as Attorney General, had viohited 
the confidence placed in him by President Bu- 
chanan, that he had worked for the arrest of 
Isaac Toucey, that he had cruelly contrived to 
cause the execution of Mrs. Mary E. Surratt, 
and that he had caused the removal of General 
George B. McClellan from the command of the 
Army of the Potomac after the Federal vic- 
tory at Antietam. Toward the end of his re- 
marks he spoke in eulogy of the magnanimity 
of General Grant and President Lincoln in 
which there was "no thought or suggestion of 
one man 's sovereign grace ; no talk of the hang- 
man. 's noose. That was reserved for a later 
day, and, I regret to say, for a widely different 
character. ' ' He closed with the sentiment that 
"the country should be congratulated on the 
fact that in all this broad land there has been 
found only one man who was willing to put it 
upon record in the American Congress that in 
his opinion half a million of Ajuerican citizens 
could properly have been executed because as 
far back as before some members of this House 
were born they had entertained views of duty 
different from those held by the gentleman 
from Iowa. "^^^ 

Two weeks later Colonel Hepburn replied. 
After pointing out numerous inconsistencies in 
General Wheeler's speech, he boldly asserted 
that "in every scrap of quoted proof the gentle- 



ADVOCATE OF PENSIONS 123 

man has adduced he has garbled it. He has vi- 
olently wrenched it from its context or omitted 
material parts, that had they been properly 
placed or fully quoted" would not have borne 
the impression of treachery or betrayal of ad- 
ministration secrets but rather would have 
placed Stanton "in the line of exalted patriot- 
ism, advising his copatriots as to dangers im- 
pending over their common country. "^**^ 

Tall, well-built, and erect Colonel Hepburn 
seemed to typify the loyal men who had devoted 
their best efforts to preserve the Union. As he 
faced the former enemies of those men, his 
square jaw and keen eyes bespoke the same 
courage and determination with which the man 
he was called upon to defend had conducted 
himself. His plain, eloquent words in behalf 
of the administration that prosecuted the war 
seemed to disconcert the opposition led by 
Southern members. As Wheeler's assault on 
Stanton may have been prompted by a desire 
to popularize himself at home where loyalty to 
the Confederate cause was still received with 
acclaim, so Hepburn's reply seemed to abash 
the Democratic leaders while it inspired the Re- 
publicans to renewed activity. ^-^ 

One after another he took up the charges that 
Wheeler had marshalled against Stanton and 
disposed of them with a dignity and finality 
that admitted of no further debate upon the 



124 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

subject. So forcibly did lie contrast the loyal 
conduct of the Secretary of War with the trea- 
sonable acts of Mr. Toucey that "the duty of 
all loyal hands to aid in dragging him down" 
seemed obvious. He showed that General Mc- 
Clellan was not removed until his incapacity 
had been proven beyond a doubt. Two men, of 
whom one was the "honest and honorable" 
Judge Advocate General, Joseph Holt, he cited 
as authority for the fact that Mrs. Surratt was 
not a victim of Stanton's arbitrary harshness. 
If Wheeler had sincerely wished to deprecate 
the atrocities of the war, Hepburn thought he 
might have discussed "the cruelties of the con- 
scription laws of the Confederate States" 
whereby many loyal men were forced into a 
service they abhorred, or he might have criti- 
cized "the outrages and cruelties of Salisbury 
and Andersonville".^^*^ 

In reply to the personal references in Wheel- 
er's speech, Hepburn claimed no credit for the 
idea of hanging traitors — that he had learned 
from Andrew Jackson the study of whose writ- 
ings he commended to Southern Democrats. 
Treason, he said, was defined by the Constitu- 
tion to which General Wheeler had four times 
sworn allegiance, and if the gentleman "has 
levied war against the United States ; if he has 
adhered to its enemies; if he has given them 
aid and comfort, he ought to be able himself to 



ADVOCATE OF PENSIONS 125 

settle the question as to liow lie should be pun- 
ished. " Plepburn further believed that the 
spirit of the General's parole required some- 
thing more than "merely the sheathing of the 
sword": it implied that there should be "no 
more of vilification and slander" against the 
government that granted the parole, 

"I say to the gentleman that if he wants 
peace", said Hepburn in conclusion, " if he 
really desires an era of good feeling, let him 
keep his sacrilegious hands off our noble dead. 
. . . I will not submit to have those men, 
whose memories are embalmed in our hearts, 
whose memories we revere, the recollection of 
whose heroism, whose matchless services, 
whose sacrifices we remember — I will not 
tamely submit to have them derided, assailed, 
misrepresented by him."^*" 



XVI 

State Politics 

While Colonel Hepburn earned an enviable 
reputation for industry at Washington during 
his first three terms in Congress he by no means 
neglected his political duties at home. Al- 
though half of his con'^tituency was new in 1882 
on account of the redistricting of the State/^^ 
it was conceded in March that he would be re- 
nominated mthout opposition. This prophecy 
proved to be well founded, for the Republican 
Congressional convention in the eighth district 
named him by acclamation, and at the election 
in the following November he polled a majority 
of nine hundred and nine votes over the com- 
bined vote for Bennett, the Democratic candi- 
date, and D. M. Clark, the Greenbacker. In 
1884 he was again nominated by acclamation 
and led his Democratic opponent by nearly tw^o 
thousand votes at the election. ^*^ 

The gubernatorial campaign of 1883 was one 
of the most spirited political contests in the 
history of Iowa. Prohibition was the chief 
issue. An amendment to the constitution pro- 
hibiting the manufacture and sale of intoxicat- 

126 



STATE POLITICS 127 

ing- liquors had been ratified by a majority of 
nearly thirty thousand votes in June, 1882, but 
had been declared invalid by the Supreme 
Court in January, 1883. Sorely disappointed 
the prohibitionists turned their efforts toward 
influencing the political parties to take definite 
action at their State conventions which were to 
be held during the summer. The Democrats 
adopted a platform in opposition to constitu- 
tional prohibition and advocated "a well regu- 
lated license law"; the Greenbackers declared 
that the manufacture and sale of intoxicating 
liquor should be prohibited and denounced Gov- 
ernor Buren R. Sherman "for permitting the 
will of the people to be overthrown"; while the 
Republicans pledged their party to the task of 
establishing and enforcing prohibition. But 
long before the State conventions met, party 
issues were widely discussed by the people and 
preparations w^ere made for an extensive cam- 
paign. The newspapers presented the issues 
in every conceivable light and speakers of na- 
tional prominence were called to the aid of their 
respective parties, ^^^ 

Among those whom the Republicans pressed 
into service was William P. Hepburn. At the 
State convention he was chosen as one of the 
vice presidents, and he participated in the re- 
nomination of Governor Sherman who, twenty- 
four years before, had been admitted to the bar 



128 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

upon Hepburn's motion. The attitude of tlie 
Republican party on the liquor question met the 
Colonel's whole-hearted approval. For a long 
time he had been "a prominent lecturer and 
worker in the temperance cause": in 1881 he 
had been one of the leaders in organizing the 
movement for constitutional prohibition in 
Iowa; while in Congress he had served on the 
Alcoholic Liquor Traffic Committee and had 
combated the prevalent idea that the liquor in- 
dustry was essential to the welfare of the coun- 
try. "The stoppage of every one of the 844 
distilleries would have no more effect upon the 
price of corn than the passing summer shower 
would have on the back of a duck", he ex- 
claimed, while as to the claim that the revenue 
from the liquor business built the nation's pub- 
lic improvements he declared that whiskey was 
indeed responsible for many of our public edi- 
fices but not for "our capitols, not our semina- 
ries of learning, nor yet our schools of art. It 
has erected our jails and poorhouses, our in- 
sane hospitals, and our penitentiaries ; and 
here and there a gibbet is seen, in the land that 
it too has erected." It was his belief that "the 
'industry' might cease to be and no man would 
be the worse for its disappearance. But all 
men in every strata of society would have add- 
ed prosperity, added blessing, additional hope. 
. . . No day ever dawned upon the nation or 



STATE POLITICS 129 

people brighter or more fraught with blessing 
than that good day coming when the evil flow- 
ing from this 'industry' shall by wise prohibi- 
tory laws, backed by a more perfect civilization, 
be driven from the land."^"^ 

The most spectacular feature of the political 
campaign in 1883 was a series of eleven joint 
debates arranged between Governor Sherman 
and L. G. Kinne, the Democratic candidate for 
Governor. James B. Weaver, the Greenback 
nominee, asked the privilege of participating in 
the discussions, but his request was refused. 
Thereupon he shrewdly made appointments in 
the evening of the same days and at the same 
places where the joint debates were to be held 
in the afternoon. ^''- 

The first meeting was at Independence on 
August 29th. After the Republican and Demo- 
cratic nominees had finished their speeches 
General Weaver asked the privilege of making 
an announcement, but the Republican cam- 
paign manager shouted: "Sit down, this is our 
meeting." It was proposed that the General 
engage in a debate that evening with Colonel 
Hepburn, but Weaver refused to debate with 
anyone except candidates for Governor. The 
Republicans then announced that Hepburn 
would speak after Weaver, but when the Gen- 
eral came upon the platform in the evening he 
declared, "I can now say to the Republicans 

10 



130 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

that this is my meeting and no Republican shall 
speak from this platform this evening, and 
there are a thousand men in this audience who 
will see that he don't." So Colonel Hepburn 
had to be content with delivering his speech at 
Independence two days later. ^^^ 

In his address at Independence the Colonel 
first cautioned the young men who were soon 
to form their political affiliations to think well 
before they became allied with the Democratic 
party which had supported slavery, opposed in- 
ternal improvements, encouraged wild cat 
banking, attempted to thwart the government 
in putting down the rebellion, and befriended 
foreign labor instead of fostering American in- 
dustries. He then replied to General Weaver's 
attack upon the integrity of William B. Allison, 
and ended with an extended discussion of the 
liquor situation. He appealed to "all who are 
on the Prohibition side of this question to 
stand firmly in this contest", to waive their 
political differences, and to permit a fair test 
of the prohibitory law. After comparing the 
fight against the liquor traffic to the battle of 
Lookout Mountain he closed with these words : 
' ' Remember that we are almost at the top ; that 
we have passed up the mountain side; that the 
clouds are below us, not above us; that the 
storm has passed; that we have gone over the 
outer line of intrenchments. . . . that we 



STATE POLITICS 131 

will have a grand, glorious, overwhelming vic- 
tory if we but stand in our places, moving 
shoulder to shoulder, keeping our lines well 
dressed and directing all our energies toward 
overcoming the common foe. "^'^^ 

While the liquor question was the dominant 
issue in Iowa during the campaign of 1883, it 
was overshadowed during the years that fol- 
lowed by the transportation problem. This was 
one of the most complex periods in American 
politics — a period characterized by the *' in- 
creasing influence of economic forces upon the 
course of politics". Continued hard times 
among the farmers due to over-production, the 
financial situation, trusts, speculation in farm 
products, and exorbitant transportation rates 
caused the agricultural classes to organize for 
relief through political channels. A tendency 
among voters to break away from the old par- 
ties gave an unusual advantage to the so-called 
independent candidates who made big promises 
of financial reform, anti-monopoly legislation, 
and railroad regulation, ^^^ 

During the spring of 1886 there seemed to be 
little doubt in the eighth district that William 
P. Hepburn would be his own successor in Con- 
gress. "We think the people of the 8th district 
will serve themselves best by retaining Mr. 
Hepburn in the House until such time as he 
may be called to the Senate ' ', wrote the editor 



132 AVILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

of the Centerville Citizen on May 12tli.i»« A 
week later lie congratulated tlie people of that 
district "on being represented by a man who 
occupied so prominent a position among the 
noted men of the nation" and predicted that 
the Colonel's constituents would be "slow to 
exchange him for a new and untried man." 
His work of protecting Iowa cattle from pleuro- 
pneumonia brought into the State by Texas 
herds, his efforts to impose a tax on oleomar- 
garine and to regulate the manufacture and 
sale of bogus butter, and his support of meas- 
ures to relieve settlers in the Des Moines Val- 
ley by quieting the title to the "Des Moines 
River lands" secured the good will of the 
farmers. ^''"^ 

The Republican Congressional convention 
which met in Chariton on June 16th nominated 
Colonel Hepburn on the first formal ballot with 
only two dissenting votes. Furthermore, the 
convention resolved to "endorse and sustain 
him in his gallant defense of the Union cause 
and of our Union heroes, living and dead; in 
his bold and outspoken exposition of Demo- 
cratic frauds, shams and steals; in his grand 
fight in the interest of that great Western in- 
dustry, the dairy, in being a true man, true to 
the public and private interest of his District 
and of the State and Nation. "^'^^ 

In the midst of apparent harmony, however, 



STATE POLITICS 133 

there was one discordant element: on the in- 
formal ballot in the convention twelve dele- 
gates had cast their votes for Major Albert R. 
Anderson of Fremont Connty. It was in 
April, 1886, that Fremont Connty had been 
added to the eighth district — an event fraught 
^\ith importance in connection with the Con- 
gressional campaign of that year. x\t Imogene 
in Fremont Connty a public meeting was held 
on July lOtli at which Major Anderson was 
brought out as an independent candidate for 
Congress on a platform favoring tariff for 
revenue only and opposing railroad pools and 
special rates. Twelve days later his candidacy 
and the Imogene platform were endorsed by the 
Democratic-Greenback fusion convention at 
Osceola. So the race for Congress in the eighth 
district became a choice between two Repub- 
licans. Both candidates had good military 
records and both had been aggressive partisans 
in the Republican party. Major Anderson had 
become a "democrat and greenback 'for reve- 
nue only.' "^^'^ 

On August 21st Colonel Hepburn opened his 
campaign at Shenandoah with a speech in 
which he assured the people that while he had 
been in Congress he had voted ^\'ith his party 
and as his constituents would have done on 
every occasion. He admitted that he did not 
vote for free and unlimited coinage of silver 



134 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

because that would have enabled the silver 
mine owners (less than twenty-five men) to 
take their silver to the mint and receive for it 
approximately one-fourth more silver dollars 
than the value of the bullion — a clear profit of 
twenty-five cents on every dollar coined. That 
he was a friend of monopolies he emphatically 
denied, and cited as proof his votes for the 
forfeiture of millions of acres of public land 
that had been granted to railroads.^^^^ 

In discussing the transportation question he 
simply reiterated the arguments he had used 
on the floor of the House of Kepresentatives. 
He explained that he had favored the Cullom 
Bill and voted against the Reagan Bill because 
every advantage claimed for the Reagan Bill 
was provided by the Cullom Bill, and in addi- 
tion the latter established a commission to in- 
vestigate all complaints against the railroads. 
As he had said a month earlier in Congress, 
the Reagan Bill simply recommended ''the ag- 
grieved individual to litigation — litigation in 
the courts, in which all the odds of wealth, ex- 
perience, and knowledge of the subject-matter 
involved are against him. . . . Under the 
other bill this is not true. He has a friend at 
court. It becomes under the Cullom bill the 
duty of the commission — skilled men, experts 
on the subject of transportation — to investi- 
gate for him and ascertain the very facts, to 



STATE POLITICS 135 

furnish the very proofs of all that he may 
need. ' ' Furthermore, he pointed out that while 
the Reagan Bill prohibited only the pooling of 
earnings the Cullom Bill made it unlawful also 
for different and competing railroads to com- 
bine for the pooling of freights in the interest 
of exorbitant rates — a much more serious of- 
fense. While the public need have little con- 
cern with the disposal of railroad earnings, the 
way those earnings were secured was of vital 
interest to everyone."^^ 

The inconsistency of Major Anderson's posi- 
tion as an anti-monopolist was disclosed by 
reading from the reports he had made as a 
State railroad commissioner. It appeared that 
he had consistently concurred in decisions fa- 
voring pools and special rates and had re- 
nounced all power of the State over interstate 
commerce until the last month of his term as 
railroad commissioner. But when he learned 
that he would not be reappointed he handed 
down a decision in the Barber buggy case in 
which he held that the State could prevent un- 
just discrimination and unreasonable freight 
rates even though the freight crossed a State 
line in transit. On this one decision he based 
his claim to be considered a friend of the peo- 
ple in their fight against railroad monopoly.-*'^ 

The attitude of the Republicans toward the 
contest in the eighth district was reflected in 



136 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

the State convention on August 25tli. Colonel 
Hepburn was "greeted by round after round 
of applause" when lie took his place as perma- 
nent chairman, while the xlnderson delegates 
from Fremont County failed to be seated. 
Earlier in the summer talk of Anderson 's elec- 
tion had been characterized as "arrant non- 
sense", and the action in the Republican con- 
vention seemed to justify that assertion.-"=^ 

Whether Major Anderson felt that his record 
on the railroad question was unfavorable or 
whether he feared Colonel Hepburn's skill in 
debate he seems to have been reluctant to en- 
gage in a series of joint discussions. When 
W. 0. Crosby, the chairman of the Republican 
district committee, proposed some joint debates 
and suggested the places, dates, and rules An- 
derson replied: "I must beg leave to suggest 
to you, my dear sir, that my candidacy is not 
instituted altogether with reference to the 
pleasure of your candidate, and that I shall 
ask to have somewhat to say as to the conduct 
of my part in the canvass in this district". So 
he fixed the dates for eleven joint discussions. 
Mr. Crosby then named the county seats as 
proper places and left the order of speaking to 
be determined by Major Anderson within ten 
days. This arrangement was "entirely satis- 
factory" to the Major, "save as to permitting 
you to name the places where the joint debates 



STATE POLITICS 137 

are to be held. I do not consent in each in- 
stance to the county seat and will send you with- 
in the ten days the names of places where I 
desire the joint debates, as well as the order of 
discussion. "^^•^ 

The first of the joint debates was held in 
Centerville on September 18th. Both candi- 
dates spent most of their time discussing the 
transportation problem. Major Anderson be- 
gan by declaring that he was a good Repub- 
lican and asking forgiveness from the Demo- 
crats and Greenbackers for the hard things he 
had said of them. After mentioning the tariff 
he launched into the railroad question. Pool- 
ing by railroads he pronounced to be criminal. 
He expatiated on the merits of the Reagan 
Bill and denounced his opponent for support- 
ing the Cullom Bill, to which he objected on 
account of the provision for an interstate com- 
merce commission which he feared would be- 
come a tool of the railroads. 

In reply Colonel Hepburn showed that the 
Major had materially changed his views on the 
subject of railroad pools since, as a railroad 
commissioner, he had explained that the break- 
ing of the pool in southwestern Iowa was detri- 
mental to the mercantile interests of the 
country. Moreover, if Anderson had always 
believed that pools were criminal, v,hy had he 
not taken cognizance of the violation of the law 



138 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

when he was prosecuting attorney of the dis- 
trict in which the southwestern pool was 
located. The Colonel then spoke of the advan- 
tages of the Culloni Bill and ridiculed Ander- 
son's intimation that there were not five honest 
men in the United States to compose an inter- 
state commerce commission. As an additional 
reason for his support of that measure he read 
a concurrent resolution, passed by the Twenty- 
first General Assembly with only one dissent- 
ing vote, instructing the members of Congress 
from Iowa to vote for the CuUom Bill. Turn- 
ing toward Edward J. Gault, one of Anderson's 
ardent supporters, he charged him with voting 
in the State Senate not six months before for 
this identical resolution."'^ ^ 

As the campaign progressed interest centered 
more and more in the transportation question. 
In spite of Colonel Hepburn's best efforts and 
the convincing support of "Tama Jim" Wilson, 
the agricultural classes clung to the belief that 
only the most drastic measures would be suc- 
cessful in regulating the railroads. Perhaps 
the cartoons and powerful editorials published 
by Henry Wallace in the Homestead did more 
than anything else to alienate the farmers.^^" 

Whatever may have been the combination of 
circumstances which caused the political hys- 
teria in the eighth district in 1886 the result 
was the election of Albert R. Anderson by a 



STATE POLITICS 139 

majority of twenty-two hundred and twenty- 
five votes. Hepburn received a narrow ma- 
jority in only four counties, all in the eastern 
half of the district ; while Anderson carried his 
home county alone by seventeen hundred and 
ninety-six votes. Thus it was that Fremont 
County not only furnished the candidate who 
defeated Colonel Hepburn but contributed all 
but four hundred and twenty-nine votes of 
Major Anderson's majority.-"" 

Unlike many Congressmen who fail to be re- 
elected, Colonel Hepburn disdained to haunt 
the White House 

Crooking the pregnant hinges of the knee 
That thrift may follow fawning. 

When he found himself again in private life on 
March 5, 1887, he began once more the practice 
of law. On May 24th he received a letter from 
his friend Robert Harris, a high oflEicial of the 
Northern Pacific Railroad Company, inquiring : 
''Would you be willing to entertain the idea of 
going to St. Paul as the Attorney of this Com- 
pany!" From the correspondence that fol- 
lowed it appears that Colonel Hepburn was 
entirely willing, but for some reason the ar- 
rangement was never made. "If you have not 
selected some large city for your future field 
of work I know of no such promising condi- 



140 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

tions as those which exist in Washington Terri- 
tory", wrote Mr. Harris in November."''* 

By that time, however, the Colonel was se- 
riously considering his chances of being elected 
to succeed James F. Wilson in the United 
States Senate. As early as March 2, 1887, fol- 
lowing his eloquent invective against those 
who sustained President Cleveland's veto of 
the Dependent Pensions Bill, a friendly new^s- 
paper suggested that "Iowa should send a sol- 
dier to the United States Senate, and that that 
soldier should be Hon. W. P. Hepburn." In 
April it was said that the sentiment in favor of 
sending an old soldier to the Senate was grow- 
ing very fast and was likely to "become a 
sweeping tornado, carrying everything before 
it, in which case the only person who would be 
named for the position would be Col. W. P. 
Hepburn of Clarinda". The fact that there 
were twenty-four ex-Confederates and only 
nine Union soldiers in the Senate augured 
strongly in his favor. Moreover, the sugges- 
tion that a man should be selected from the 
western part of the State favored Hepburn's 
candidacy.^^'' 

As the time drcAv near for the General As- 
sembly to convene both Wilson and Hepburn 
established headquarters at the Kirkwood Ho- 
tel in Des Moines. The Colonel was greeted 
warmlv by his manv admirers, and during the 



STATE POLITICS 141 

next few days the political pot boiled furiously. 
Although the opposition to Wilson was de- 
cided, it was unorganized : some favored Judge 
J. R. Reed of Council Bluffs, while others were 
for Governor William Larrabee. Most of 
Hepburn's support came from his friends in 
the Grand Army of the Republic- ^"^ 

On the evening of January 10, 1888, the Re- 
publican caucus met to select the party candi- 
date. It appears that the meeting was called 
at an unusually early date and in an irregular 
manner, much to the vexation of the Hepburn 
contingent. When the caucus had been called 
to order a motion to postpone nomination was 
defeated by a vote of forty-seven to forty-five. 
Thereupon Timothy J. Caldwell withdrew the 
name of William P. Hepburn in an impassioned 
speech, charging the Republican party with be- 
ing profuse in praise of the old soldiers but fail- 
ing to do anything for them when it came to 
offices. With Hepburn out of the race Wilson 
was nominated by a large majority. Neverthe- 
less it was ''a compliment no less to the indi- 
vidual than the principle involved that without 
any preliminary organization, and in the face 
of every disadvantage in the conditions of the 
contest," Colonel Hepburn had ''showed a posi- 
tive strength that forshadowed his nomination 
had the caucus been held at the usual time."-^^ 

On March 21, 1888, the Republicans of Iowa 



142 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

assembled in Des Moines for the purpose of 
presenting to the nation a candidate for the of- 
fice of President of the United States. In a 
brilliant speech the famous young orator, J. P. 
Dolliver, proposed the name of William B. 
Allison, "a representative western statesman". 
Following the adoption of resolutions portray- 
ing the character and ability of Senator Allison 
a number of the leading Republicans of Iowa 
addressed the convention. William P. Hep- 
burn, one of the delegates selected to attend the 
national convention in Chicago, delivered a 
stirring speech, and again at the big ratifica- 
tion meeting in the evening his remarks were 
greeted with hearty cheers.-^" 

More than a week before the national con- 
vention Avas called to order on June 19, 1888, 
many of the Iowa delegates, including Colonel 
Hepburn who was "a host in himself", were in 
Chicago doing good service for Senator Allison. 
During the first two days of the convention the 
Colonel was kept busy with his duties as the 
chairman of the committee on credentials. 
About noon on the third day the nominations 
for President began. As the roll of the States 
was called Illinois was the first to respond, and 
for a few moments the convention hall rang 
with the name of Walter Q. Gresham. Then 
came Indiana; and Albert G. Porter presented 
the name of Benjamin Harrison. 



STATE POLITICS 143 

It was three forty-five o'clock when the secre- 
tary called the State of Iowa. Amid tremen- 
dous cheers Colonel Hepburn ascended the 
platform and commenced to speak. "It is the 
laudable ambition of every member of this con- 
vention that today we pursue such a course as 
to deserve and win success at the end of this 
campaign", he began. After extolling the vir- 
tues of the Republican party he announced that 
the State of Iowa bade him name William B. 
Allison as a man fit to be the President of the 
United States. For a few moments the speaker 
was interrupted by cheers and then he con- 
tinued. "Of all living men he is the one we 
most do honor. Iowa asks his selection. It is 
the prayer of that State that has been more 
true to Republicanism than all others that have 
been truest. All others have sometimes wa- 
vered. Iowa never. In all others at some time 
in your history some part of your ticket has met 
defeat. In Iowa never. In thirty-four years 
of consecutive victory no man has been inducted 
into a State office or been accredited to the Na- 
tional Senate who did not follow your flag and 
march in your column. "-^^ 

For fully half an hour Colonel Hepburn 
spoke of the record of Mr. Allison, written in 
the legislation of a quarter of a century. There- 
were bursts of applause as he declared that the 
people would not find Allison "usurping the 



144 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

functions of a coordinate branch of the Govern- 
ment and hundreds of times thwarting the legis- 
lative will by a reckless and wanton use of the 
veto power", ''sneering at the old veterans", 
"returning Rebel flags, those honored trophies 
of grand victories, to Rebel archives", or "pal- 
tering about home rule in Ireland" and then 
consenting to the disfranchisement of six hun- 
dred thousand free American citizens by keep- 
ing "the name of Dakota from the shield that 
designates a State." On the contrary the 
Colonel predicted that Iowa's favorite son 
would be "true to country and the principles of 
our party. Wise in determining the better 
course, courageous in pursuing it, honest in the 
administration of public affairs, calm, deliber- 
ate, conservative, kind and honest, giving the 
country an administration that w^ould meet the 
demand and secure the benediction of a con- 
tented people." As the speech closed there was 
prolonged cheering led by the Iowa delegation 
and swelled by Maryland and the Territories.-^'* 
Before the convention adjourned that evening 
five more candidates had been named. The 
balloting began on the following day without 
any indication of the final result. At one time 
a number of influential delegates, representing 
enough votes to nominate, held a meeting and 
agreed to swing the convention to Allison ; but 
at the last moment the New York delegation re- 



STATE POLITICS 145 

fused to support a candidate who represented 
the agrarian element. The result was the nomi- 
nation of Benjamin Harrison.-^^ 

Colonel Hepburn returned from a trip to 
Washington and New York just in time to cast 
his vote for Harrison on January 14, 1889, 
along with the other Presidential electors in 
Iowa. About the same time rumors began to 
circulate in the national capital to the effect 
that "Pete" Hepburn was booked for a place in 
Harrison's Cabinet. There seemed to be "a 
great deal in the Hepburn movement", accord- 
ing to one dispatch from Washington. By the 
first of February, however, when Allison re- 
fused to become Secretary of the Treasury, it 
was generally believed that there would be no 
Cabinet position open to an Iowa man.-^^ 

On the eve of the President's inauguration 
Hepburn was mentioned for the office of Com- 
missioner of Patents. Indeed, nearly a month 
before he had been promised the support of 
many prominent Republicans and the entire 
Iowa delegation in Congress if he would apply 
for the position. It appears, however, that he 
had hopes of being placed on the Interstate 
Commerce Commission. His friend, Robert 
Harris, wrote a strong recommendation to Vice 
President Levi P. Morton and Senator William 
M. Evarts in which he declared that while Hep- 
burn was the attorney for the Chicago, Burling- 

11 



146 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ton, and Quincy Eailroad Company in Iowa the 
Colonel liad "by his fair and broad spirit, 
earnest sjanpathy with the community, his ab- 
solute integrity and his ability as a lawyer 
greatly aided the managers in keeping in ac- 
cord with the public. "-^"^ 

John M. Thurston, general attorney for the 
Union Pacific Railroad Company, declared that 
he could not ''express in the English language 
the high appreciation" he entertained for Hep- 
burn and urged the Nebraska delegation in 
Congress to join in presenting the Colonel's 
name for a place on the Commission. To the 
President he felt ''no hesitation in saying" that 
W. P. Hepburn was the best man who could "be 
found for this position in the United States and 
his appointment would give unqualified satis- 
faction to the whole western people. "^^^ 

Grenville M. Dodge informed the President 
that the "unquestioned ability, integrity and 
fairness" of Mr. Hepburn "eminently fitted" 
him to be a member of the Commission. Ap- 
parently President Harrison had plans of his 
own, however, for on April 16, 1889, "reposing 
special trust and confidence in the Integrity, 
Ability and Learning of William P. Hepburn 
of Iowa" he appointed him to the office of So- 
licitor of the Treasury.- ^^ 



XVII 

Solicitor of the Treasury 

The appointment of William P. Hepburn to the 
office of Solicitor of the Treasury seems to have 
elicited general approval. ''Please accept my 
humble but very sincere cong-ratulations upon 
your appointment", wrote E. I. Holcombe from 
St. Paul. ''It is not what you ought to have, 
but will suffice for the present. Looking over a 
volume of British heraldry the other day, I find 
that the ancient motto of the Hepburns of Scot- 
land was 'Expecto' — I wait." 

Mr. J. C. Cook had less faith in future pros- 
pects : although he was glad to see the Colonel 
get the job he could not help thinking that his 
friend had "missed it" in not going to Sioux 
City to practice law. That President Harrison 
"not only made no mistake" but was "more 
than usually fortunate" in this appointment 
was the opinion expressed in one newspaper. 
An 'j' admirable selection" M^as the comment of 
another, followed by the prediction _that Hep- 
burn would "prove to be one of the strong 
men" of the administration. It was thought 
that the appointment would be received "with 

147 



X48 ■WILLIAI\r PETERS HEPBURN 

unqualified and pleasurable acceptation" by 
the people of Iowa, while the whole country 
might rest assured that the honor had gone to 
one wdio well deserved it and who would "dis- 
charge all its duties with a zealous fidelity to 
the interests of the Government."--" 

No sooner had Colonel Hepburn entered upon 
the duties of his office than the disposal of 
patronage commanded his attention. Hundreds 
of letters, burdened with all sorts of requests, 
were addressed to the new Solicitor of the 
Treasury. Two days after his appointment 
R. A. Carleton wrote : ' ' Permit me to congrat- 
ulate you. Now if you can aid me in any way 
or assist me in getting a position it will be ap- 
preciated,"--^ The following day came a letter 
in behalf of the professor of German at Tabor 
College who desired an appointment as consul 
at some German port.--- James R. Hartsock 
announced his candidacy for a similar position 
at Jerusalem. One of the surviving members 
of the Second Iowa Cavalry, with the "highest 
and most honorable endorsements that have 
ever been issued by the state of Minnesota", 
solicited assistance in procuring an inspector- 
ship in the land department. 

A saucy "little 'Reb' " named Alice Norvell 
confessed that the "sharp but gentle reproof" 
Colonel Hepburn had administered while on the 
Meridian expedition had never been forgotten. 



SOLICITOR OF THE TREASURY 149 

She liad married a staiincli Republican, and her 
letter closed with the request that her husband 
be appointed postmaster. Because the Colonel 
had a reputation for being "so kind and nice" 
a poor woman was sent to him to obtain a job 
sweeping his office. One suppliant declared 
that ''one half of the time, forethought, anxiety, 
scheming and inventive genius" that she had 
exerted to secure a position would have made 
her a "successful diplomat at a foreign 
court, ""-^ 

Many of these appeals were not made in vain. 
"Kind Sir, — It is with profound feelings of 
gratitude that I am prompted to pen these 
lines", wrote a young woman who was "alone 
& in a strange city". "I cannot express how 
much I already feel indebted to you for your 
kindness ! Truly I am the most happy girl in 
this city to-night!" An old soldier was thank- 
ful for the Colonel's assistance in settling a 
"claim for services in 1864" and added that the 
"amount is less than $200.00 but comes good 
after waiting for it 25 years." Besides those 
who were grateful enough to express their ap- 
preciation there were probably many others 
whose selfishness rendered it impossible for 
them to recognize the value of Hepburn's ef- 
forts in their behalf.--^ 

It was the duty of the Solicitor of the Treas- 
ury to take cognizance of all frauds on the cus- 



150 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

toms revenue. As the law officer of the Treas- 
ury Department many matters arising under 
the customs, navigation, banking, and registry 
laws, and in the administration of the Depart- 
ment were referred to him for examination and 
opinion. He was charged with the compromise 
of debts and with the supervision of suits for 
the collection of money due the United States. 
His approval of contracts and the bonds of 
specified Federal officers was required. On sev- 
eral occasions Solicitor Hepburn was sent by 
the Secretary of the Treasury to conduct spe- 
cial investigations of affairs pertaining to the 
Department."^ 

During the first year in office Hepburn made 
"earnest endeavors" to collect debts for the 
government, many of which had been long in 
abeyance. The dockets of the office showed that 
the sum of about thirty-five million dollars was 
due the United States, but there were no of- 
ficers particularly responsible for discovering 
the debtors or collecting the money. The result 
of extensive and painstaking correspondence 
with district attorneys and marshals was far 
from satisfactory. The Solicitor therefore rec- 
ommended an appropriation of ten thousand 
dollars to be expended in the collection of old 
judgments.^- *^ 

While William P. Hepburn occupied the of- 
fice of Solicitor of the Treasury more than 



SOLICITOR OF THE TREASURY 151 

twenty-one thousand suits were commenced 
under his direction and nearly as many dis- 
posed of. More than twenty thousand cases 
were decided in favor of the United States or 
settled and dismissed. About four hundred and 
fifty written opinions were rendered on various 
questions of law submitted by the Secretary of 
the Treasury or the heads of bureaus and divi- 
sions in the Department. The number of 
official bonds, contracts, leases, and deeds exam- 
ined was approximately four thousand.-" 

In the administration of immigration affairs 
under the contract between the United States 
Treasury Department and the Board of Com- 
missioners of Emigration of the State of New 
York differences of opinion had arisen. On 
December 6, 1889, Secretary AVilliam Windom 
requested William P. Hepburn to proceed to 
New York, "there to meet said commissioners, 
discuss with them the various matters in con- 
troversy and so far as possible agree upon a 
settlement and adjustment of said matters." 
According to later instructions Hepburn "gave 
some attention to the questions involved in 
landing passengers on Sunday" and extended 
his inquiries into the "methods of administer- 
ing the immigrant and alien contract labor 
laws. "228 

On December 31, 1889, Solicitor Hepburn 
made his report. Under the system of manage- 



152 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ment by the Emigration Commissioners it 
would be impossible, lie stated, to itemize the 
expenditure for the care of each particular im- 
migrant as the Department desired. He could 
see no justice in the demand that the United 
States should pay rent for the buildings on 
Ward's Island used by the Commissioners as a 
hospital, resort, and insane asylum for immi- 
grants, when nearly a third of all those who 
arrived at that port remained within the State 
of New York. Neither could he understand 
why the money arising from the sale of privi- 
leges to railroad companies, money changers, 
and keepers of boarding houses to solicit busi- 
ness among the immigrants in Castle Garden — 
privileges that were valuable solely because the 
government permitted immigrants to land there 
— should not be expended for the benefit of the 
immigrants rather than in the payment of ren- 
tals to the State and City of New York. Inas- 
much as the majority of the Commissioners 
entertained radically different views no satis- 
factory settlement was possible. 

In respect to the landing of passengers on 
Sunday he reported that the condition of the 
'' steerage of one of the great Atlantic steam- 
ships after it had been inhabited for 10 or 12 
days by several hundred immigrants; some 
from Russia; some from Bohemia; some from 
Assyria; some from Italy, each laden with the 



SOLICITOR OF THE TREASURY 153 

vermin and odors belonging to his filthy condi- 
tion, is by no means a pleasant place for one 
who is gifted with the sense of smell or the 
nerves of sensation." It was Hepburn's con- 
clusion that the majority of the immigrants 
would prefer the discomfort of spending a night 
and nearly two days in Castle Garden, with 
little to eat and no place to sleep except upon 
the wooden benches or the floor. 

The greater part of the report concerned the 
administration of the immigrant and alien con- 
tract labor laws. It was shown that the Emi- 
gration Commissioners were unqualified for 
their duties on account of their pre-occupation, 
their widely different opinions, and their lack 
of cooperation with the Collector of the Port. 
Furthermore, the examination of immigrants 
thought to be criminals, idiots, insane persons, 
or paupers was often delayed a month or more 
before the Commissioners acted. Only those 
immigrants who had no transportation to their 
destination or who excited suspicion were ex- 
amined to discover violations of the contract 
labor law. Even in the case of those who were 
examined the interpreters were so inefficient 
and the imported laborers so well instructed in 
the answers they should give that the discovery 
of any infringement of the law was remarkable. 

Hepburn advised that the contract with the 
New York Board of Commissioners of Emigra- 



154 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

tion should he terminated within sixty days, and 
that "the whole supervision of the contract la- 
bor law and the immigrant laws should be 
placed under the direction of an officer of the 
Treasury Department under the collector of the 
port of New York," He thought the use of 
Castle Garden and Ward's Island was unneces- 
sary. The immigrants who needed assistance 
should either be cared for in a much smaller 
establishment than Ward's Island or placed in 
some institution of the city or county; while 
the barge office should be used for the purposes 
of landing or, if that proved inadvisable, suit- 
able buildings should be erected on Governor's 
Island, on the grounds of the Navy Yard, or on 
other property of the United States. More 
rigid examinations and more vigorous enforce- 
ment of the laws would result if better qualified 
interpreters were provided. 

The report concluded with a general comment 
upon the immigration question. The govern- 
ment was warned against the danger of allow- 
ing the country to be flooded with cheap immi- 
grant labor, and the importance of interesting 
the prospective citizen in the conduct of Amer- 
ican government was emphasized. "It ought 
not to be the policy to throw any impediment 
in the way of the honest, industrious, self-sup- 
porting immigrant", wrote Hepburn; "but jus- 
tice to those that are here as well as to the 



SOLICITOR OF THE TREASURY 155 

whole people, requires that the criminals or de- 
fective classes and the paupers of Europe 
should not be sent to this country, either by 
charitable societies, by municipalities, or by 
foreign governments, and that the laws while 
kindly administered should be enforced with 
rigor and mth constant watchfulness, . . . 
When coming to this country some of the immi- 
grants labor under many disadvantages; a 
stranger to our laws, our customs, our methods 
of business, he is still frequently oppressed 
^\TLth a sense of utter loneliness when he arrives 
at Castle Garden, separated from every fa- 
miliar scene and old friends. He ought to have 
a kindly greeting under such circumstances. 
. . . . The authority of the Federal Gov- 
ernment alone should be seen and felt. When 
a prospective citizen comes here, his first of- 
ficial relations with authority should be with 
that of the nation. His sense of first obligation 
refers to it." 

This investigation by the Solicitor of the 
Treasury was in no small way responsible for 
the establishment of the immigrant station on 
Ellis Island and the complete reorganization of 
the immigration service. On March 12, 1890, 
Congress ordered an extensive investigation by 
special committees. The result was the removal 
of the naval magazine and the erection of the 
immigrant station on Ellis Island, the creation 



156 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

of the office of Superintendent of Immigration 
in the Treasury Department, the transfer of all 
powers and duties formerly exercised by State 
boards and commissions to inspection officers 
of the United States, the conduct of medical 
examinations by the Marine Hospital Service, 
and the revision of the alien contract labor law. 
Hepburn was invited to accompany the Con- 
gressional committees to New York, and later 
he helped to prepare the bill that gained enact- 
ment,- -'^ 

More than a month before the Board of Gen- 
eral Appraisers was established by the customs 
administration act of June 10, 1890, AVilliam P. 
Hepburn had expressed a desire to be appointed 
a member. "I most sincerely congratulate the 
country at large on your candidacy — for of 
your appointment there can be no possible 
doubt, with the backing you will have. . . . 
I do not know of a man in this country so emi- 
nently fitted by education and experience and 
natural bent of mind, for that place, as your- 
self", wrote B. H. Hinds, whom Hepburn had 
requested to secure letters of recommendation 
to the President. Toward the end of June it 
appears that the newspaper men over the coun- 
try expected Colonel Hepburn to be promoted 
to the new position. By August, however, the 
nine General Appraisers had been selected and 
he was not among the number.--"*^ 



SOLICITOR OF THE TREASURY 157 

In the latter part of 1890 Hepburn was made 
chairman of the Treasury Commission to in- 
vestigate the condition of the customs adminis- 
tration in the port of New York.-'-^ AVithin six 
months the commissioners examined every 
branch of the service. They took over forty 
thousand typewritten pages of testimony and 
made more than thirty reports upon a great 
variety of subjects. The request of the Collec- 
tor of the Port for an additional clerk, the 
Passavant glove case, the methods of the con- 
tractor for the cartage of public store packages, 
the advisability of contracting for labor at the 
public stores, the methods of the Surveyor of 
the Port in connection with the discharge of 
cargoes of imported merchandise, entries by 
appraisement, bonded warehouses and store- 
keepers, the reduction of expenses at the port 
of New York, and a complaint made by Special 
Inspector R. C. Fuller of alleged interference 
in a seizure case were typical subjects of these 
reports. The information enabled the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury to make important recom- 
mendations for legislation and to inaugurate 
several changes in the customs administration 
at New York.-'^- 

Special investigations and the routine duties 
of the Solicitor of the Treasury made William 
P. Hepburn a very busy man from the time he 
accepted the office until March 3, 1893, the date 



158 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

of his resignation. He conducted important in- 
vestigations of the seal industry of Alaska in 
connection with granting a twenty-year lease 
to the North American Commercial Company 
in 1890 ; he was frequently commissioned to se- 
lect sites for public buildings — the post offices 
at Milwaukee and Davenport, the Long Branch 
Life Saving Station, and the appraisers' ware- 
house in New York City being notable in- 
stances ; and in the spring of 1892 he was sent 
to San Francisco to conduct an investigation of 
alleged revenue frauds.- ^^ Altogether the ad- 
ministration of Solicitor Hepburn as the law 
officer of the Treasury Department was marked 
by energy, aggressiveness, and the faithful pro- 
tection of public interests.^^^ 



XVIII 

Return to Con-gress 

While William P. Hepburn was Solicitor of 
the Treasury he found time to return to Iowa 
each year and campaign for his friends. On 
the way he usually stopped to make a few 
speeches in Ohio and Indiana. After canvass- 
ing the Third Congressional District of Iowa 
for David B. Henderson in 1890 he spoke at a 
number of towns in the western part of the 
State. At Centerville, where a ''great victori- 
ous Democratic demonstration" had been 
planned, he encountered James B. Weaver, 
whom he is reported to have utterly routed, 
thereby winning "lots of votes" for the Re- 
publicans. In 1891 he attended the reunion of 
the Second Iowa Cavalry at Iowa City on Oc- 
tober 7th and 8th, addressed a Women's Chris- 
tian Temperance Union convention at Creston 
on October 9th, and made speeches in the 
eleven counties of the Eighth Congressional 
District. Everj^where the people heard him 
gladly, and with the return of prosperity the 
farmers forgot the prejudices which they had 
entertained in 1886.-^^ 

159 



160 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Early in 1892 Colonel Hepburn began to re- 
ceive urgent requests to become a candidate for 
Congress. Many of the letters were from men 
who had opposed him six years before, and as 
the suggestion coincided with his own prefer- 
ences ''much persuasion was not required" to 
induce the Colonel to allow his name to be used. 
Being in Iowa about the first of February he 
cautiously sounded public opinion upon the 
prospect of his candidacy. Major Anderson, he 
learned, was out of politics and would "throw 
no straw" in his way. Indeed, the Major prom- 
ised to ''help as far as he could". Many of 
"those who opposed 3"ou in '86 believe you 
would be as strong as anyone we could name. 
And those who supported you in '86, believe 
you much the strongest candidate we can name, 
while many of your former opponents are like 
myself emphatic in the belief that you ought to 
be the nominee", was the statement of the situ- 
ation by William Eaton.^^^ 

Although James P. Flick, the Representative 
from the eighth district, had decided to retire 
from Congress, Colonel Hepburn by no means 
found a clear field for the Eepublican nomina- 
tion. Early in the season J. B. Harsh, a State 
Senator and the proprietor of a stock farm 
near Creston, entered the contest.^''" He, like 
many other good Republicans, conceded that 
Hepburn was an able politician but doubted the 



EETURN TO CONGRESS 161 

advisability of allowing- him to become the 
party candidate so soon after the experience of 
1886. Attention was called to recent political 
history in the eighth district. Election returns 
showed that the Republican majority of two 
thousand three hundred and seventy-seven 
votes for Congressman in 1884 and six hundred 
and forty-five in 1888 had dwindled to a plural- 
ity of a hundred and sixteen in 1890. Further- 
more, there seemed to be no doubt that the 
Democrats and Populists would unite in order 
to defeat the Republican candidate in 1892.2^8 

In view of these facts several leading news- 
papers expressed the opinion that the Repub- 
licans of the eighth district could not afford to 
make a mistake in selecting their candidate for 
Congress. The Sejonour Press declared that it 
w^as not the time 'Ho nominate old party hacks 
as pay for favors bestowed or with the hopes of 
future reward. This will not be a good year to 
redeem any man's record of unpopularity, for 
the party's supremacy in the district is at stake 
and no man or his friends should put his suc- 
cess over and above that of the party." Colonel 
Hepburn was told that his nomination would 
drive all third party voters to the ranks of the 
opposition and that he could not depend upon 
the presidential campaign to keep Republicans 
in line. 

Meanwhile Senator Harsh seemed to receive 

12 



162 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

mcle endorsement. He was known extensively 
as a stock raiser, a banker, and a promoter of 
the Creston Blue Grass Palace. In the Gen- 
eral Assembly he had a reputation for ability, 
energy, fearlessness, and persistency. He had 
championed bills which provided for the elec- 
tion of the railroad commissioners, the re- 
straint of unlawful combinations to raise the 
price of the necessities of life, and the creation 
of a non-partisan commission to revise the 
revenue and taxation laws of the State — meas- 
ures that were very popular with his constitu- 
ents. His chief purpose in going* to Congress, 
it was asserted, was to secure the enactment of 
a law that would prevent the ''big four" of 
Chicago fixing the price of every pound of meat 
raised in lowa.^^^ 

W. 0. Mitchell and M. L. Temple were other 
candidates who received local support. Less 
than a month before the date set for the Repub- 
lican convention the editor of the Creston 
Gazette believed that Hepburn was ''not as 
strong with the people as any one of the other 
candidates" and that his nomination would be 
a dangerous experiment. ' ' No man who has his 
eyes and ears open can fail to note the mur- 
murings of dissatisfaction that are coming from 
all parts of the district since it has become cer- 
tain that Mr. Hepburn's nomination was a 
probability. Disguise it as we may, strive to 



RETURN TO CONGRESS 163 

ignore it as we may, whether right or wrong, 
the stubborn fact remains that there is among 
republican voters in many parts of the district 
a distrust of Mr. Hepburn and a feeling that he 
has not been faithful to the people's interests 
in the past."-^" 

Notwithstanding the apparent strength of 
the other Republican candidates Colonel Hep- 
burn steadily gained in popularity as the time 
for the district convention approached. Not a 
few Republicans who at first were inclined to 
oppose him afterward became ardent workers 
in his behalf. There were others, like F. M. 
Davis of Corning, who desired to ''vote for a 
Man, and one of brains and sense and states- 
manship," whatever his past record may have 
been. It was generally admitted that Hepburn 
had the ability, experience, and standing to be 
of the utmost service to his constituents. Dur- 
ing his three terms in Congress he had intro- 
duced and secured the enactment of fifteen 
private bills and one public bill, whereas the 
total legislation which had originated with all 
the other Representatives from the eighth Iowa 
district since its establishment in 1873 — a pe- 
riod of fourteen years — amounted to three 
public bills and six private pension bills. As to 
his position on the transportation and trust 
problems the people were assured that he was 
"entirely divorced from corporate influences" 



164 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

and in "full sympathy with them upon these 
important questions ".-^^ 

The Republican Congressional convention 
met in Chariton on July 20th. After the perma- 
nent organization had been effected, resolutions 
adopted, and the Clarinda glee club had regaled 
the delegates with song, the convention pro- 
ceeded to nominate a candidate for Congress. 
Upon the informal ballot Hepburn received 
seventy-eight votes, Harsh fifteen, Mitchell 
ten, and Temple ten. A formal ballot was 
taken with the same result and then the nomi- 
nation of "Pete" Hepburn was made unani- 
mous "amid the greatest enthusiasm." The 
result was welcome news to prominent Repub- 
licans all over the country.^^- 

Contrary to predictions the fusion of the 
Democratic and People's parties failed to ma- 
terialize. It was not long after the Republican 
convention that "there seemed to be music in 
the air" among the Democrats and the third 
party men. On August 9th, the Populists nomi- 
nated W. S. Scott of Appanoose County whom 
the Democrats refused to accept. A fortnight 
later Thomas L. Maxwell of Creston, a man 
with a third party record, was nominated by 
the Democrats.-^^ 

With the opposition divided Hepburn ap- 
peared to be in little danger of defeat, but there 
was no cessation of effort on that account. 



RETURN TO CONGRESS 165 

'^ Everything looks right, but we want to keep 
'em so lookin' ", he wrote in September. By 
October 4th, the Republicans, even in doubtful 
counties, were reported to be ''all in line"; 
while a month later they were "head and shoul- 
ders" above the Democrats and ''growing 
fast."2^-* 

Though in great demand as a speaker both 
within and without the eighth district, the Colo- 
nel was not able to take part in the campaign 
more than a few days at a time during Septem- 
ber and October. In the meantime, however, 
the campaign was well managed by his friends. 
The State central committee sent speakers into 
the district, and many influential men, includ- 
ing Senator William B. Allison, volunteered 
assistance. Indeed, the success of his candi- 
dacy from the beginning was due to the loyalty 
and unselfishness of the many friends who 
came to his support. So it was all through his 
career. Although "Pete" Hepburn made bit- 
ter enemies he also made steadfast friends. "I 
think there never was a man who had better, 
more devoted and more unselfish friends than 
I had", he wrote on one occasion during the 
campaign of 1892.-^^ 

Because the Democrats carefully avoided the 
money question or fused with the Populists in 
those States where the inflation movement was 
strong, and because they were able to make 



166 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

capital for tariff reform by pointing to the 
Homestead strike as the faihire of a highly pro- 
tected industry to satisfy labor, the election on 
November 8, 1892, sent Grover Cleveland to the 
White House and gave the Democrats the con- 
trol of both branches of Congress. Iowa, how- 
ever, returned a Republican majority as usual ; 
and although Hepburn ran slightly behind the 
head of the State ticket in every county except 
Wayne, he received a pluralitj^ of forty-three 
hundred and thirty-one votes, which was a fair 
measure of Republican strength in the eighth 
district.-^^ 

For Aveeks follomng the election Colonel 
Hepburn's mail was filled with letters of con- 
gratulation from all parts of the country. ''So 
many of our friends went under in the political 
flood this fall that the survival of one here and 
there is hailed with especial delight. I beg that 
you will accept my hearty congratulations on 
your personal victory in the campaign and on 
the splendid showing of your state", was the 
communication he received from George W. 
Whitehead. "Your work was splendid, you 
never made a better canvass, all who heard you 
unite in praise of your good work", was the 
comment of a member of the Republican State 
central committee. Albert B. Cummins thought 
everyone in Iowa ' ' should feel proud and happy 
to know that we are to be represented in the 



KETURN TO CONGRESS 167 

next Congress by men like yourself and the 
other successful Republican candidates." 
Colonel Hepburn started for Washington on 
the evening of election day.^'*^ 



XIX 

The Cureency Question 

No sooner had Colonel Hepburn reached Wash- 
ington than his aid was solicited to procure 
pensions for Civil War veterans. Old soldiers 
in other States who were not acquainted w^th 
their own Representatives wrote to the Colonel 
on account of his well-known friendship for the 
man who had served in the Union army. ''I 
must congratulate you on your Election to Con- 
gress & hope that you will appreciate it", wrote 
a constituent from Hopeville, ''but this is 
Enough of this nonsense. I will now write con- 
cerning my Pending Claim as you requested". 
A farmer who lived near Sidney stated that his 
''Examashun tuck plase the 14 day of Last Jan- 
uary" and that he had not "bird one wird from 
it Sence". Many letters urged Hepburn to use 
his influence to have pending claims adjusted 
before the inauguration of President Cleveland 
on the fourth of March, ISDS.^-^^ 

But the flood of correspondence from old sol- 
diers did not cease with Cleveland's adminis- 
tration. In 1907 Colonel Hepburn estimated 
that he had received fifty thousand letters re- 

168 



CURRENCY QUESTION IQQ 

lating to pensions during the time he had been 
in Congress. All of these letters were accorded 
prompt attention. Indeed, he felt that a Con- 
gressman should be a friend of the people to 
whom they might appeal in confidence for aid 
in transacting their business with the govern- 
ment at Washington.-**^ 

Although, as he sometimes suggested to of- 
ficious constituents, it was not a part of his 
duty to endorse pension claims he was always 
glad to help his comrades. Despite the fact 
that only four per cent of the voters in the 
eighth district had served in the Union Army 
more than half of the Federal positions were 
filled by veterans or their sons upon his recom- 
mendation. He improved every opportunity to 
widen the scope of pension legislation and to 
increase its value. Nearly sixty old soldiers or 
their widows were placed on the pension rolls 
by private bills which he introduced and fos- 
tered.-^*^ 

Hepburn defended the pension system not 
only on the ground that the Union soldiers had 
earned the recognition of a grateful nation, but 
also as an essential part of the volunteer 
scheme of military organization. ''The pen- 
sion", said he, "is a part of a contract. The 
law authorizing the pension goes hand in hand 
with the law calling for the volunteer. The 
pension is a part of the compensation." Its 



170 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

purpose "is to equalize, as nearly as possible, 
tlie earning capacity of the men wlio are in- 
jured in the military ser\dce and those who are 
not. ' ' Even from the standpoint of economy — 
measured in dollars and cents — he showed that 
the cost of pensions for volunteers was far less 
expensive than the maintenance of a standing 
army.-^^ 

When the Fifty-third Congress convened on 
August 7, 1893, it was the first time since the 
Civil War that the Democrats had control of 
both the executive and legislative branches of 
the Federal government. Democrats had been 
elected to Congress on the promise of reform- 
ing the McKinley tariff and of revising the 
currency legislation; and now, in view of the 
perilous financial condition of the country. 
President Cleveland had called a special session 
for the express purpose of repealing the Sher- 
man Silver Purchase Act of 1890. The opera- 
tion of that law, the President believed, was 
chiefly responsible for the depletion of the gold 
reserve. "At this stage", he wrote, "gold and 
silver must part company and the Government 
must fail in its established policy to maintain 
the two metals on a parity with each other. "^^^ 

Enormous pressure was brought to bear upon 
Republicans and free silver Democrats : they 
were exhorted to rise above the plane of party 
politics and patriotically hasten to the rescue 



CURRENCY QUESTION 171 

of prostrate business. It was this appeal for 
non-partisanship that brought Colonel Hepburn 
to his feet. The President, he said, ''seeks to 
utilize a condition of public distress and by its 
use persuade Republicans in aiding- his party to 
take the first step toward the permanent disuse 
of silver as one of the money metals of this 
country." For his part he was tired of the 
talk of non-partisanship. ''I am a Republi- 
can", he declared, ''because I believe Repub- 
licanism to be right to-day as in other days. 
I am a Republican because I believe in the doc- 
trines announced in its platform as the biest of 
all theories and principles to carry this Govern- 
ment and the people to the highest mark of 
civilization and their greatest good; and I am 
not to be driven from these ideas and from the 
doctrines of my party because it suits some 
man's purposes now to urge aid from the Re- 
publican party. I believe I am most patriotic 
when I adhere closest to the doctrines of my 
party. I know of no sufficient reason why this 
extraordinary action, the repeal of the act of 
1890, should be taken." 

He found the critical condition of the country 
not attributable to the fact that the "Repub- 
lican party, three years ago, had passed the 
Sherman bill", but rather he believed the crisis 
was the direct result of the announcement made 
nine months previous that the Democratic party 



172 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

for the first time in many years would have an 
opportunity of making good its promises of 
radical changes in the industrial system and the 
repeal of the McKinley tariff. "Immediately, 
over all this land, there came paralysis. The 
mills stopped; the fire of the forges died out; 
everywhere there was a swarming multitude of 
idlers clamoring for labor but finding no places 
in the great labor field. ' ' 

The assertion that the business interests of 
the whole country demanded the repeal of the 
Sherman act was emphatically denied by Hep- 
burn. On the contrary he was convinced that 
the banks, boards of trade, and chambers of 
commerce were chiefly responsible for the agi- 
tation against the silver purchase law. The 
importance of the banks and cooperating insti- 
tutions had been over-emphasized. "Their 
business begins where the great business of 
production ends. They simply levy toll upon 
that which the real business men of this country 
create. " Most bankers he assumed were mono- 
metallists who saw in the repeal of the Sherman 
law the first step toward a single gold standard. 

For the argument that the people lacked con- 
fidence in the treasury notes of 1890 Colonel 
Hepburn had no sympathy. Indeed, he thought 
this currency constituted the best form of 
money in the United States, because it was 
backed by a $100,000,000 gold reserve and face 



CURRENCY QUESTION 173 

value in silver bullion. That these notes would 
drive gold out of circulation he could not be- 
lieve, since they were redeemable in gold and in 
effect simply placed additional gold in circula- 
tion. Furthermore, the only method of meeting 
the demand for an annual increase of more than 
$60,000,000 of currency was in the maintenance 
of this much-abused act of 1890. ''I believe", 
he concluded, ''that this law has been bene- 
ficial in its operation at all times. ... It 
gives us more of circulation. It gives us a most 
desirable currency. It gives us the best form of 
money that we have. It is our only hope for 
expansion. ' ' 

In the opinion of Colonel Hepburn the true 
solution of the currency question lay in such 
judicious legislation as would throw the balance 
of trade in favor of the United States — a con- 
dition that had not existed in fifty years. The 
change from a debtor to a creditor nation alone 
would stop the exodus of gold and enable the 
country to exercise a choice of the kind of 
money to be established. He suggested that the 
merchant marine be increased, that the produc- 
tion of more sugar be encouraged, and that such 
a course should be pursued as would secure the 
industrial independence of America. 

In closing his speech Hepburn warned his 
colleagues against setting at naught the time- 
honored declarations of the Republican party 



174 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

for a double standard. "We are here", lie ex- 
claimed, "to cast a vote of want of confidence 
in Republican statesmanship and Republican 
methods. I will not do it."-^" 

During the year 1894 the United States 
treasury became more and more embarrassed 
by the steady decline of the gold reserve. It 
was toward the end of January that Secretary 
John G. Carlisle negotiated a loan from which 
$58,661,000 in gold was realized. To obtain the 
gold, however, subscribers withdrew it from the 
treasury by the presentation of legal-tender 
notes and then transferred it back in payment 
of the loan. Thus an endless chain was ever 
"dipping its buckets" into the gold reserve of 
the treasury. Another loan was floated in No- 
vember with the same result. In a special mes- 
sage to Congress on January 28, 1895, Presi- 
dent Cleveland suggested that fifty-year gold 
bonds be issued for the redemption and can- 
cellation of all legal-tender notes.^^^ 

The gold bond issue came to a vote in the 
House of Representatives on February 14, 
1895. That day Hepburn made a brief but in- 
fluential speech in which he declared that the 
inauguration of the policy of issuing gold bonds 
would mean that no other bonds would ever 
again be known in the history of this country. 
To the question, "Are we ready for that?", 
there were cries of "No!" "No!" He stood 



CURRENCY QUESTION 175 

firmly on the Eepiiblican platform which stated 
that the ''debt-paying power of the dollar, 
whether silver, gold, or paper" should be equal 
at all times. He asserted that there was "not 
an obligation of the United States save the gold 
certificate" which might not be paid honestly 
in silver dollars. To the argument that the 
government was morally obliged to pay in gold 
he replied that there were no moral obligations 
outside the limitations of the law and that the 
government preserved at all times the alterna- 
tive to pay in gold or silver.- ^^ 

On February 8, 1896, Colonel Hepburn spoke 
at length upon the question of silver coinage. 
He began by stating that he was not surprised 
at the failure of the International Monetary 
Conference in 1892 to agree to the coinage of 
silver at a fixed ratio if members of the Con- 
ference announced before the tribunal of sa- 
vants at Brussels that the law of supply and 
demand fixes value. ''Supply and demand", 
said he, "fix price, not value. . . . You are 
asking for the restoration of the dollar of the 
daddies. You propose to restore its value by 
mere coinage ' '. While a dollar might be coined 
that would contain 4121/^ grains of silver, Hep- 
burn contended that in order to give such a 
dollar full value in the money markets of the 
world the credit of the United States would 
have to be injected into it to make good the de- 



176 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ficient value of the bullion. He believed that 
the majority of the people favored a double 
standard and that the only hope of securing- a 
parity of gold and silver lay in international 
agreement. 

In reply to the argument that the enlarged 
use of silver would destroy the credit of the 
nation he cited "the glorious history of this 
country under Republican Administration." 
At a time when the country had just '^ emerged 
from the gloom of desolating war, and when a 
burden of two and three-quarters billions of 
debt rested upon this nation" the addition of 
about $60,000,000 of silver annually had not 
interfered with the rise of the credit of the 
United States to a point "never before reached 
by the credit of any nation in the history of the 
world. ' ' Who then would have the temerity to 
assert that the continuation of that policy 
would disparage the credit of this country. 
"While I am not in favor of the free coinage 
of silver", he said, "I am in favor of the use of 
silver to the extent that it is necessary to meet 
the demand for expansion resulting from our 
growth in population and our development as a 
commercial and manufacturing people .... 
expansion of the circulation ought to be con- 
tinued, and it were much better that it should 
be continued by the use of the mints in coining- 
silver rather than by the use of the printing- 



CURRENCY QUESTION 177 

press in printing promises to pay .... Re- 
member that when we purchase the silver we 
have it ; so that the case is very different from 
issuing promises to pay. "-^*^ 

Throughout the discussion of the currency 
question Colonel Hepburn stood for bimetal- 
lism as advocated by the Republican party. He 
was ''unreservedly for sound money" and 
therefore ' ' opposed to the free coinage of silver 
except by international agreement", and until 
such an agreement was obtained he was 
pledged to preserve ''the existing gold stand- 
ard ".-^^ 



XX 

The Campaigx of 1896 

Although deeply interested in the currency 
question during the years from 1893 to 1896, 
Congressman Hepburn found it possible to give 
attention to other subjects of legislation. In- 
deed there were many problems upon which he 
freely expressed his opinions. He opposed the 
admission of Arizona into the Union on ac- 
count of the sparse population and meager nat- 
ural resources; and he objected to granting 
public land to western States for the purpose of 
reclaiming arid areas, because he thought rec- 
lamation should be made a national project.-^^ 
A bill providing for the arbitration of railroad 
labor controversies was favored by him not for 
its intrinsic worth but because the necessity of 
laborers demanded that they should not be 
thrown out of employment by frequent inter- 
necine disputes.^^^ 

Hepburn was always interested in the gov- 
ernment of the District of Columbia — particu- 
larly in the regulation of public utilities. An- 
other of his deep-seated notions was that first 
and second class post offices were receiving 

178 



CAMPAIGN OF 1896 179 

more than their share of appropriations and 
that more monej^ should be spent on third and 
fourth class offices. That the Colonel possessed 
a very considerable influence in Congress was 
indicated by the many important questions 
upon which he spoke — often no doubt at the 
solicitation of others. The record of his 
speeches constitutes an index of his ability and 
versatility no less than a measure of his good 
vnll toward his colleagTies.-*'*' 

In the meantime "Pete" Hepburn was gain- 
ing political prestige in Iowa. AVithin a month 
after his election to Congress in 1892 he was 
frequently mentioned as a candidate to succeed 
James F. Wilson in the Senate three years 
later: indeed, J. H. Cook made a trip to Des 
Moines in the latter part of December for the 
special purpose of sounding political opinion 
on Hepburn's prospects. This investigation 
revealed a widespread endorsement of the Colo- 
nel at that time although it was not until the 
following November that his candidacy was 
formally announced. About the same time 
John H. Gear, Albert B. Cummins, John F. 
Lacey, George D. Perkins, and John Y. Stone 
also threw their hats into the ring. 

In the campaign that followed ex-Governor 
Gear bore the brunt of the factional opposition 
within the Republican party, but despite his 
age, his residence in the eastern part of the 



180 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

State, and his alleged corporation affiliations he 
received forty-two votes on the first ballot in 
the party cancus on January 15, 1894, while 
William P. Hepburn, his nearest competitor, 
polled only nineteen. Once more the Colonel's 
Senatorial aspirations had been blighted. At 
the election in the following November, how- 
ever, he experienced little difficulty in being 
returned to the House of Representatives by a 
majority of more than four thousand votes. 
"Sanity once more prevails in the 8th district. 
Populism seems to have got a very black eye", 
was the comment of J. W. Blythe.-^^ 

The campaign of 1896 was one of the most 
intense political struggles in American history. 
In Iowa as elsewhere the majority of Demo- 
crats fused with the Populists to make free 
coinage of silver the one absorbing issue. 
There was little demonstration; but men and 
women would sit for hours listening to a pre- 
sentation of facts and statistics, while neigh- 
bors nearly resorted to blows to clinch bi- 
metallistic arguments. Nowhere in Iowa was 
the free silver sentiment stronger than in the 
Eighth Congressional District.^^^ 

On March 11th more than a thousand Repub- 
licans met in Des Moines for the purpose of 
selecting delegates to the national convention. 
Amid tremendous enthusiasm and applause 
William B. Allison was formally selected as the 



CAMPAIGN OP 1896 181 

favorite son of Iowa for the Presidential nomi- 
nation. A resolution that David B. Henderson, 
John H. Gear, J. S. Clarkson, and William P. 
Hepburn be named delegates-at-large to pro- 
mote the interests of Senator Allison in the 
national convention was carried by acclama- 
tion.2<53 

Long before the eleventh national Repub- 
lican convention met in St. Louis on June 16, 
1896, it was generally acknowledged that Wil- 
liam McKinley would be nominated for Presi- 
dent. Through the untiring efforts of Marcus 
A. Hanna a powerful and intricate political 
machine was organized in the interests of the 
Ohio candidate. Although the convention was 
supposed to be cut and dried from start to finish 
an obstacle was encountered in the committee 
on credentials almost at the beginning: William 
P. Hepburn dared to oppose the McKinley 
organization. The first indication of a contest 
was the defeat of Hepburn for the chairman- 
ship of the credentials committee by a vote of 
nineteen to twenty-eight in favor of J. P. Fort 
of New Jersey.- °^ 

The following afternoon when Mr. Fort re- 
ported in favor of permanently seating the 
delegates on the temporary roll prepared by 
the national committee, including the McKinley 
delegations from Delaware and Texas, Hep- 
burn presented a minority report. He stated 



182 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

that ''not one word of the testimony adduced 
was read" before the committee on the contest 
of the rival delegations from Delaware and 
Texas while there were more than a hundred 
and sixty contested cases upon which there had 
been no hearing. "We deem it to be a most 
dangerous precedent to permit the National 
committee to pass final judgment in the election 
and qualification of members of a National 
convention", he declared, and in "powerful 
tones" recommended that this authority 
"should be retained in the hands of the con- 
vention. ' ' Fort immediately called a vote, and 
Hepburn raised the point of order that dele- 
gates whose seats were contested could not par- 
ticipate. When this point of order was over- 
ruled the people in the galleries expressed their 
opposition to the McKinley machine in a 
"mighty hiss". The verdict was that the mi- 
nority report "could not have been better 
handled", but Hepburn spoke against an over- 
whelming majority. Although the Iowa dele- 
gation remained true to Senator Allison the 
struggle was hopeless: McKinley was nomi- 
nated on the first ballot.^^^ 

Four days before the national convention 
was called to order Colonel Hepburn had been 
nominated for Congress without opposition. 
On July 15th the second Eepublican State con- 
vention in 1896 met in Des Moines for the pur- 



CAMPAIGN OP 1896 183 

pose of nominating candidates for State offices. 
No convention in recent years had shown more 
of the old-fashioned Republican spirit. With 
onl}^ a few hours notice Hepburn was selected 
for temporary chairman. He proved to be 
eminently qualified to meet the situation. 
''Thirty-five years ago," he said, ''when met 
in convention the Republicans of Iowa were 
confronted by Democrats in arms making po- 
tential battle in the unholy cause of capital 
demanding its right to own labor .... 
To-day our enemies in politics, the Democratic 
party, have surrendered all but their proud 
name, to the Populists of the land."-*^^ 

Rapidly he sketched the achievements of the 
Republican party: "all of the states emanci- 
pated from the blight of human slavery ; all the 
territories preserved for free labor; a million 
homesteads given to the people ; a labor system 
that has doubled the wage, and given employ- 
ment; and a financial system that has made it 
possible for the laboring man at the end of 
each day to receive his wage in a money equal 
to the best in the w^orld." Within the brief 
space of four years Democratic administration 
had caused such hard times that "gloom is not 
lifted from the home, the little children cry for 
bread, and the wives — God pity them — are 
filled with apprehension." 

Republicans had not ceased to stand for bi- 



184 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

metallism, he declared, although the party had 
recognized the fact that gold coin was the only 
money which contained its full intrinsic value. 
Indeed, he claimed that the Republican party 
was then and always had been a better friend 
of silver than were the Democrats. In com- 
parison with the suspension of silver coinage 
by Democratic Presidents from 1805 to 1834 the 
''crime of 1873" sank into insignificance. Not 
only had sixty times as much silver been coined 
under the Republican regime, but long after the 
bullion value of silver had decreased that party 
had preserved a parity between the two metals 
by injecting fifty cents of the credit of the na- 
tion into every silver dollar. The Republicans, 
Hepburn explained, proposed to restore the 
bullion value of silver by making a world mar- 
ket for it at a fixed price, whereas the Demo- 
crats would presume to restore the ratio of 
sixteen to one by the foolhardy experiment of 
free coinage. 

It would be folly, the Colonel thought, to at- 
tempt the expansion of currency by the free 
coinage of silver because the white metal would 
drive gold out of circulation and reduce the 
purchasing power of the remaining money to 
the bullion value of silver. Shrinkage rather 
than expansion would result. As soon could the 
march of the seasons be checked as the inex- 
orable laws of commerce be changed by legisla- 



^ CAMPAIGN OF 1896 185 

tion. ' ' The piling up of two or three billions of 
debt would be as nothing to the universal bank- 
ruptcy, the utter ruin, the suffering, starvation, 
death, that would come to us if we tried and 
failed in this terrible experiment that they are 
urging upon us now". 

It soon developed that the Democrats and 
Populists had selected the eighth district for 
concentrated efforts in behalf of free silver. 
To counteract the work of his opponents Hep- 
burn sent a great many government documents 
to the farmers. The agricultural bulletins and 
year books were reported to be ''doing great 
good", and toward the end of September the 
Colonel felt confident that the literature he had 
distributed would be largely responsible for 
holding the district.^^^ 

On account of his national reputation Hep- 
burn was impressed into the Presidential cam- 
paign in other States. In addition to his work 
outside of Iowa he was required to deliver six 
speeches in this State beyond the boundaries of 
the eighth district. It was his good fortune to 
accompany Joseph B. Foraker across Iowa 
early in October and to address large audiences 
at Burlington and Red Oak.-*^^ His speech at 
Burlington in which he reiterated what he had 
said at the State convention in July, was char- 
acterized as a "calm, dignified, scholarly ad- 
dress".269 



186 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

That the opposition had massed a large 
amount of their resources against ''Pete" 
Hepburn on account of the strong silver senti- 
ment in his district became very apparent when 
election returns were reported. He was re- 
turned to Congress by a majority of only eight 
hundred and twenty-seven votes — the smallest 
Republican margin recorded in any Iowa dis- 
trict that year. The Fusion candidate, W. H. 
Robb, polled a majority in Decatur, Fremont, 
Union, and Wayne counties.^ ^^ 



XXI 

Civil Service Refoem 

The period of greatest acliievemcnt in the life 
of William P. Hepburn dates from the Fifty- 
fourth Congress which assembled in December, 
1895. It was at that time that he was appointed 
chairman of the Committee on Interstate and 
Foreign Commerce, a position which he held 
during the remainder of his Congressional ca- 
reer. Speaker Thomas B. Reed called Hepburn 
to the chair in the capacity of Speaker pro tem- 
pore three times during the Fifty-fourth Con- 
gress, and on seventeen occasions the Colonel 
presided over the Committee of the Whole. It 
was reported that Congressmen who were in 
the habit of obstructing debate were very quiet 
when he was in the chair. "He is so quick, 
prompt, resolute, courageous, knows his fact 
and the rules so well, makes so crushing a retort 
when challenged that obstructors do not care to 
put their intelligence into a match with his", 
commented a newspaper reporter. 

It was not until the Fifty-fourth Congress, 
however, that Hepburn exhibited the character- 
istics of genuine statesmanship in his Congres- 

187 



188 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

sional debates. For many years he had occu- 
pied a noteworthy place in public affairs, but 
in his utterances there seemed to be "a cynical 
consciousness of his own powers". Now he ap- 
peared to be unconscious of himself and his 
own intellect: he was interested only in the 
great national ends toward which the people 
were moving. It was during the second session 
of the Fifty-fifth Congress that he was chosen 
to close the debate on the annexation of Ha- 
waii, while upon civil service reform he deliv- 
ered what many Congressmen judged to be the 
greatest argument they had ever heard on that 
subject.- ^^ 

It was to challenge the general misapprehen- 
sion that great improvements in the public 
service had been secured by the merit system — 
that there had been a "diminution of expendi- 
ture", that a "greater measure of faithful at- 
tention to business" had resulted, and that a 
"purer class of men" were in office — which 
prompted Hepburn to discuss the civil service 
question. He began by stating that the spon- 
sors of reform had gained a great advantage 
by the use of the term "merit system" and by 
attributing to their opponents the unkindly epi- 
thet of "spoilsmen". That those who were 
opposed to the merit system must necessarily 
favor some scheme that did not have merit he 
denied. Neither was it fair to assume that 



CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 189 

those who did not advocate the merit system of 
reform were selfish seekers of spoils at the ex- 
pense of the public weal. He contended that 
there was another method of appointment to 
the civil service more meritorious than the so- 
called merit system.- '^- 

Seldom did the Colonel's strong, clear, pene- 
trating voice and animated style of speaking 
command closer attention than on the eighth of 
January, 1898, as he outlined the ''darkened, 
subterranean, irresponsible methods" of the 
Civil Service Commission and proclaimed that 
in his humble judgment the old way of making 
appointments was better than the new.^'^^ 
''Why, sir," he exclaimed, "it is in the nature 
of things that it should be so. There is nothing 
so conducive to sloth, indolence, inattention to 
duties, as that feeling of security that comes to 
men through the civil service. " It is " incident 
to human nature", he observed, that "life 
tenure works to the disadvantage of the pub- 
lic. ' ' He was opposed to giving any man vested 
rights in an office. Moreover, in his opinion, it 
had not been satisfactorily proved that ex- 
penses had been reduced or superior men se- 
lected by the merit system. Indeed, the salary 
expenditure of the government had far out- 
stripped the growth of public business, while 
the candidates for civil service positions were 
not experienced men but mere youths, fresh 



190 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

from their school books, who were content to 
accept a thousand dollar clerkship. 

To secure the greatest efficiency in any execu- 
tive department it was essential, Hepburn 
thought, that those in subordinate positions 
should be in complete sympathy with their su- 
periors. Cooperation could be obtained best by 
allowing responsible officers to gather their 
friends about them. That ward heelers or po- 
litical bosses would constitute the class ap- 
pointed under such a system he refused to 
believe. On the contrary it was more probable 
that the appointee would be the faithful friend 
who had ' ' a laudable ambition to participate in 
some way .... in the administration of 
his Government." Hepburn deplored the atti- 
tude that would permit a Congressman to de- 
ride the *' hordes of hungry office seekers that 
infest the corridors of the Capitol" and then 
forsake his official duties for weeks to implore 
these same men to stand by him in his own quest 
for office. *'I condemn the men who, forgetful 
of old relations, denounce their own constitu- 
ents, the voters of this country, whenever any 
of them seek that public employment to which 
every citizen ought to have the right to 
aspire. "-'^^ 

Arguing from the premise that American 
government will always be operated through 
the medium of political parties, the Colonel was 



CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 191 

convinced that the best results could be obtained 
through the maintenance of a responsible party 
organization by means of a system of rewards 
for party workers. The idea of compensating 
party workers with civil service positions, he 
admitted, might grate upon the sensitive ears 
of transcendentalists, but he presumed that he 
was talking to practical men about a practical 
question. Found the party organization upon 
workers desirous only of the privilege of serv- 
ing their country as a reward, he advised, and 
honest, efficient government would result, but 
exclude these men by the merit system and they 
would be replaced by others actuated only by a 
desire for money. With the advent of profes- 
sional politicians he predicted that campaign 
expenses would be doubled and the basis of 
party allegiance would shift from public service 
to private ends. 

The results of the merit system, according to 
Hepburn, were incommensurate with the ex- 
pense involved. Furthermore, he believed it 
was impossible to determine the qualifications 
of applicants for admission to the civil service 
by examinations as they were conducted. Even 
if the ci\T.l service officials were absolutely 
honest — of which there was less assurance 
than of the honesty of Congressmen who had 
been declared to be unfit to make recommenda- 
tions for civil service appointments — there 



192 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

was still no way of estimating the industry or 
integrity of applicants. 

In conclusion Colonel Hepburn described the 
civil service law that he desired. ' ' I would give 
the appointing power to the heads of Depart- 
ments ' ', he explained. ' ' I would require that 
appointments should be probationary, and that 
after a service of three or six months and a suc- 
cessful examination by the Department, or by 
the commission, if the office required scientific 
knowledge, the examination being limited to 
ascertaining the fitness of the applicant to dis- 
charge the duties of the office to which he 
aspired, I would give him a commission for a 
stated period, but reserving the power of re- 
moval to the appointing officer for any cause — 
save a political one — that he regarded suf- 
ficient. ' ' 

Regularly after the memorable speech in 
1898 Colonel Hepburn expressed his condemna- 
tion of "the new-fangled civil service that we 
now are agonizing under". His argument 
usually followed the same line of reasoning, 
varying only according to contemporary cir- 
cumstances. He always resented the insinua- 
tion that he was a spoilsman because he believed 
in Congressional patronage. A spoilsman he 
defined as one who was willing to use his in- 
fluence to place an inefficient or dishonest man 
in office. That he would never do. He was 



CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 193 

equally emphatic in his conviction that a Con- 
gressman would not dare to select scalawags 
for official positions lest he regret the act at the 
next election. For a number of years the 
Colonel earnestly endeavored to repeal the civil 
service law preparatory to the inauguration of 
a true merit sj^stem, but toward the end of his 
career he realized that his efforts were futile, 
and while he never missed an opportunity for a 
thrust at civil service reform he resorted to 
ridicule for the expression of his opinions 
rather than to serious argument.-"^^ 



U 



XXII 

Imperialism 

The United States has been an empire since the 
date of the Louisiana Purchase, April 30, 1803. 
At that time scruples against territorial expan- 
sion, based upon constitutional grounds, were 
sacrificed to the demands of expediency. The 
acquisition of territory on the mainland of 
North America before 1867 was as imperialistic 
in principle as the insular annexations since 
1898. The inevitable consummation of the pol- 
icy was simply hastened by the war with Spain. 
Avowed military strategy and commercial ag- 
grandizement were responsible for tne annexa- 
tion of Hawaii, Porto Rico, the Philippines, and 
Guam, whereas previous expansion was due to 
the force of circumstances. It was the an- 
nouncement of a purpose which raised the cry 
of ''imperialism" and "colonial aggrandize- 
ment" against the possession of "dominions 
beyond the sea".-^^ 

The opinion of William P. Hepburn on the 
question of acquiring insular possessions was 
best expressed on June 15, 1898, when the 
Spanish- American War was at its height. That 

194 



IMPERIALISM 195 

day he closed the debate in favor of the annex- 
ation of Hawaii with a speech which left the 
impression that ''a great advocate had spoken 
gi:eatly for a great cause." Apparently it was 
one of the occasions when his "capacity for 
clear statement that amounted to genius" may 
have ''shot away the dust of doubt" in the 
minds of fellow Congressmen.^^^ 

There were men, he said, who confused exist- 
ing conditions with prophecy, men who thought 
that the counsel of the fathers ''to avoid all 
entangling alliances, to confine ourselves, our 
efforts and our hopes, to home interests" was 
about to be abandoned by the annexation of 
Hawaii. In casting an affirmative vote for that 
proposition he asserted that he committed 
himself to no policy of colonial acquisition. "I 
can distinguish between a colonial policy and a 
commercial policy", he declared. "I can dis- 
tinguish between the policy that would scatter 
colonies all over the islands of the sea and the 
lands of the earth and that policy which would 
secure to us simply those facilities of commerce 
that the new commercial methods make abso- 
lutely essential." Having in mind the strategic 
value of the islands, he announced that another 
purpose of annexation was to prevent other 
nations from obtaining a menacing military 
base in the Pacific Ocean.-'^^ 

While he denied that the annexation of Ha- 



196 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

waii would commit the United States to a 
colonial policy, nevertheless he was willing to 
accept that venture. "Gentlemen tell us", he 
continued, ''that if we pursue this course, of 
acquisition of these little islands, the fate of 
Greece, the fate of Rome, the fate of all the old 
empires or republics will surely be ours . . 
. . I am not sure that their self-aggrandize- 
ment, carrying their civilization, as they 
did, to all parts of the world, was not a 
blessing to mankind, although it might have re- 
sulted (yet no man can say it with certainty) 
in their own overthrow." But for this "thirst 
for annexation, this desire for new territory, 
this passion for extending civilization", Alfred 
would have had no knowledge of law and juris- 
prudence upon which to found the British 
Empire. 

Furthermore, the leading nations of the mod- 
ern world, he reminded his auditors, maintain 
a system of "territorial expansion, of breadth 
and greatness and grandeur, of extension of 
empire ' ' to the detriment of the United States. 
The Democrats of America, alone among all the 
statesmen of the world, he proclaimed, "are 
halting in the procession. ' ' Indeed, they too had 
subscribed to the doctrine of imperialism, and to 
prove his point the Colonel read the Ostend Man- 
ifesto of 1854 which advised the United States 
to buy Cuba or take the island by force.-^"^ 



IMPERIALISM 197 

Hepburn was ''not prepared to say how 
Hawaii would be governed". He could not tell 
whether the islands would ever be admitted to 
Statehood ; but judging from past experience he 
was confident that they would "undergo such 
period of probation as will assure us that they 
are fitted for republican institutions." 

The conclusion of his speech, in which he ex- 
pressed the most radical imperialism, was 
greeted with prolonged applause. Conquest, he 
declared, was a legitimate method of acquiring 
territory, and in the war with Spain the United 
States was duty-bound to cripple the enemy by 
seizing her possessions as well as by defeating 
her military forces. ''We hope," he exclaimed, 
"every patriot hopes, that Cuba, Puerto Rico, 
the Philippine Islands will be ours by con- 
quest." What should be done with the terri- 
tory after the war was a question to be decided 
in the future; but upon the advisability of "re- 
taining such portions of that territory as will 
enable us to meet all of the requirements of 
modern commerce" he thought there could be 
no doubt. 

On later occasions Colonel Hepburn repeat- 
edly endorsed imperialism. In January, 1899, 
he was loudly applauded for defending the pol- 
icy of the Administration in the Philippines. 
The placing of the American flag over those 
people, he declared, meant that they were enter- 



198 WILLIAI\I PETERS HEPBURN 

ing upon a new era of liberty, law, peace, and 
progress. It was to fulfill the promise ex- 
pressed by tlie flag that President McKinley 
had undertaken to pacify the Filipinos, to give 
them an opportunity to express their wishes, 
and to ''sail away" from Manila as soon as 
they should be able to maintain their own gov- 
ernment, but no sooner.-*'' 

Again, in December, 1901, Hepburn voiced 
the opinion that the form of government in the 
Philippines was not contrary to American 
principles. He recalled that he had lived nearly 
six years upon acquired territory of the United 
States when the measure of self-government 
accorded to the people of the Territory of Iowa 
was less than the autonomy enjoyed by Fili- 
pinos under American rule. He was convinced 
that the recognition of Cuban independence 
was a mistake.-*^ 

The imperialistic attitude of Colonel Hep- 
burn may be partly accounted for on the ground 
of extreme loyalty to his country. If there was 
anything he could not abide it was a lack of 
patriotism. When the incorporation of the 
German-American Alliance was proposed in 
Congress, and it was announced that among the 
purposes of the organization w^as the "protec- 
tion of German immigrants against imposition 
and deception" and the "cultivation of the 
German language, literature, and drama, and 



IMPERIALISM 199 

the perpetuation of the memory and deeds of 
those early German pioneers whose influence 
has been of incalculable benefit to the intellec- 
tual and economic development of this coun- 
try", Hepburn objected to the consideration of 
the bill. ' ' It seems to me ' ', he said, ' ' that there 
is somethin2^ more in this bill than what ap- 
pears upon its surface; that it is not a mere 
social organization, but that it is political in 
character." When the measure was again 
brought before the House of Representatives 
he proposed to strike out the word '' German" 
where it appeared ''in the hyphenated form of 
German- American alliance". He resented the 
cultivation of the German language instead of 
English, and thought there was nothing to be 
gained by perpetuating national distinctions. 
''When a man comes here he should come here 
to be an American ".-®- 

Amos J. Cummings of New York is reputed 
to have stated in his press correspondence that 
it was "worth a trip to Washington through a 
blizzard" to hear the Colonel pronounce the 
words "United States". There was "a rising 
inflection in his voice" that conveyed "an idea 
of majesty." It combined "the scream of the 
eagle, the roar of the lion, the defiance of the 
game cock." The intense Americanism of 
"Pete" Hepburn was reflected even in the tone 
of his voice.^®^ 



XXIII 

The Isthmian Canal 

DuKiNG more than three-quarters of a century 
the construction of a canal connecting the At- 
lantic and Pacific oceans was debated in Con- 
gress, As on many other questions, the 
Spanish War marked the turning point from 
speculative to practical discussion. The voyage 
of the "Oregon" around the Horn held the 
attention of the American people for weeks and 
impressed upon them as nothing else could have 
done the importance of an isthmian canal. 
After the war the question became closely con- 
nected with the policy of commercial and colo- 
nial expansion in the Pacific, and the canal was 
recognized as a necessity. It was to be ex- 
pected that William P. Hepburn, the chairman 
of the Committee on Interstate and Foreign 
Commerce, would play an important role in pro- 
moting the construction of an inter-oceanic 
canal and that his attitude would be character- 
ized by intense Americanism.^*'* 

Five years elapsed after Hepburn became 
chairman of the Committee on Interstate and 
Foreign Commerce before he could secure a 

200 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 201 

direct vote of the House upon the proposition 
of building an isthmian canal. During the 
Fiftj^-fourth Congress this committee, after 
giving the subject careful attention, reported a 
bill which provided that the United States gov- 
ernment should furnish financial support to the 
Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua to car- 
ry on the work. It was the opinion of the com- 
mittee, based upon the report of the Nicaragua 
Canal Board of 1895, that "a commanding 
sense of patriotic duty to our whole country 
demands that the Government of the United 
States give such aid to the enterprise as will 
assure its speedy and economical construction." 
The newspapers with one acclaim urged Con- 
gress to take prompt action. Although more 
than three hundred members of the House of 
Representatives petitioned that a special order 
be made for the consideration of the canal l)ill, 
Speaker Reed and the Committee on Rules 
stood firm in opposition, so the measure ex- 
pired quietly with the adjournment of the 
Fifty-fourth Congress.-^^ 

During the first session of the Fifty-fifth 
Congress the President was authorized to ap- 
point another commission to survey the various 
canal routes and obtain full information as to 
the feasibility and cost of the project. The 
pressure for canal legislation was steadily in- 
creasing and new diplomatic entanglements 



202 "willia:\i peters hepburn 

were adding to the difficulties of the situation. 
In January, 1899, the Senate passed a bill which 
proposed the reorganization of the Maritime 
Canal Company and provided that the United 
States government should descend "from the 
character of a sovereign to become a majority 
stockholder in a corporation" it had created. 
The government was to furnish all the money 
and bear the responsibilities, and at the same 
time share the pecuniary benefits with other 
stock-holders. 

Meanwhile four bills, including one drafted 
by Colonel Hepburn, had been introduced in 
the House. On February 13th the Committee 
on Interstate and Foreign Commerce reported 
in favor of substituting the text of the Hepburn 
bill for the Senate bill. The substitute author- 
ized the President to purchase from Costa Rica 
and Nicaragua the territory through which to 
build the canal; and the Secretary of War was 
to construct a waterway of proper capacity 
from Greytown to Brito, build harbors, and 
erect all necessary fortifications. Engineers 
from the Army and Navy were to be detailed to 
assist in the work. To cover the cost of con- 
struction the sum of $115,000,000 was to be 
appropriated.^®^ 

Hepburn's canal bill was referred to the Com- 
mittee of the Whole — which precluded any 
possibility of consideration except by unani- 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 203 

mous consent or a special order from the Com- 
mittee on Rules. The same men who controlled 
the House during the Fifty-fourth Congress 
were in power during the Fifty-fifth, so that 
the prospect of canal legislation seemed rather 
gloomy. Moreover, every moment of the re- 
mainder of the session was needed for the 
consideration of five major appropriation bills. 
In this plight Hepburn determined to offer his 
bill as an amendment to the sundry civil appro- 
priation bill of which wary Joseph Gr. Cannon 
was in charge. He hoped, in case a point of 
order against such, procedure should be sus- 
tained by the Chair, that the friends of the 
canal bill would be numerous enough to over- 
rule the decision. Cannon was on his guard, 
however, and with the full sympathy of the 
Speaker he mustered every influence to prevent 
the contemplated coup.-*' 

Events transpired precisely as they were 
planned. On February 14th Hepburn offered 
his amendment, and Cannon made the point of 
order that it was not germane, that it proposed 
new^ legislation, and that it appropriated money 
in pursuance of a public work not in progress. 
To these objections the Colonel replied that the 
only questions of order that could properly 
arise were whether the work was in progress 
and whether the amendment proposed new leg- 
islation. Progress in the work of construction 



204 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

he defined as ''any steps from the point of in- 
ception to the point of conclusion", and he 
insisted that the surveys of the canal commis- 
sions of 1895 and 1897 were progressive steps 
in the contemplation of the rule. He main- 
tained that the building of an isthmian canal 
had been the object of legislation for at least 
two sessions of Congress — in the sundry civil 
bills of 1895 and 1898 — and was therefore not 
new legislation. Even if no such precedent had 
existed he held that the major proposition in 
his amendment was the appropriation of funds 
and that the other provisions of the bill were 
nothing more than limitations upon the manner 
of expending the money. The section which 
prescribed that the President should purcliase 
territory was simply declaratory of a power he 
already possessed.-^^ 

When Colonel Hepburn concluded his speech 
Joseph G. Cannon secured the floor to defend 
the point of order and pronounce his interpre- 
tation of the Hepburn amendment. That done 
he accused the Committee of Interstate and 
Foreign Commerce of delaying two months and 
a half before reporting the Nicaragua canal 
bill. With only three weeks in which to pass 
the appropriation bills, he exclaimed, ''in comes 
the Iowa joker turning a double somersault and 
champing on the bit, and seeks to move this bill 
upon the great sundry civil bill and tries to 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 205 

juggle with the House and persuade it tliat it 
is the only chance which the House has to pass 
the bill." The amendment, he declared, was 
''not germane to anything in this bill", and as 
for himself he proposed to "stand, not with the 
cross, but with the rules, containing Rule XXI, 
the concrete wisdom of the Congress for the 
guidance in the enactment of law for one hun- 
dred and ten years" and to "hold it up and 
interpose it ... . and say it can not in 
this way be dishonored". In an impassioned 
peroration he charged Hepburn v/ith attempt- 
ing to humble, disgrace, discredit, and spit upon 
the rules of the House. 

Every member of the Committee of the 
AVhole "was impressed not only with the lan- 
guage, but the manner and the spirit of the 
gentleman from Illinois when he pronounced 
his eulogy upon the rules, their sacred char- 
acter, as he held them aloft, speaking of the 
cross, and assimilated their sacredness to that 
sacred emblem", said the Colonel in reply. "It 
was a very dramatic episode in the gentleman's 
speech, and would seem to indicate that the 
rules of this House had some coercive force 
upon his action, and that the rules of this 
House, he thought, ought to be obeyed. Yet the 
gentleman charged me with an offense against 
the House, in juggling with it." 

"Mr. Chairman, look at this bill", he con- 



206 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

tinued, referring to the sundry civil bill ''In 
the first 19 pages of it the gentleman himself 
thirteen times violated that rule. Thirteen 
times ! And I undertake to say that I can find 
75 distinct and substantive violations of the 
rules." The Colonel then proceeded to point 
out a few striking instances. 

Cannon hastened to explain that all general 
appropriation bills contained similar examples. 
"They sometimes pass and sometimes do not; 
but they always go out if the gentleman from 
Iowa or any other member invokes the rule. I 
here invoke the rule." 

"Undoubtedly the gentleman can be kept 
within the rule if the gentleman from Iowa 
could always be after him ' ', Hepburn answered. 

"Well, I am after you in this", returned 
Cannon. 

"If I can bring it about, I intend you shall 
continue to be after me, and a long way be- 
hind", retorted the Colonel. "Bringing in a 
bill making an appropriation and hoping it may 
escape observation, that others may not be dili- 
gent, and in that way the rule may be violated. 
I say .... he has spat on the rules over 
and over again." 

At this juncture the debate became general. 
Sarcasm was answered with vituperation and 
the air became mephitic. Joseph W. Bailey of 
Texas tried to "put out the fire with constitu- 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 207 

tional kerosene", but the experiment failed. 
Alexander M. Dockerty boldly asserted that the 
majority of the House was expected to over- 
rule the decision of the chair and hold the canal 
proposition to be in order. William H. Moody 
and William A. Smith indulged in a lively in- 
tellectual tilt which added parliamentary fuel 
to the fiery contest. Finall}', Charles H. Gros- 
venor, who could not understand what made 
Cannon "shout like a leader in a camp meet- 
ing", closed the debate with as much fervor as 
any of his predecessors. After an extended 
argument the Chairman sustained the point of 
order made by "the gentleman from Illinois" 
and held that the canal amendment was not in 
order. Thereupon Hepburn, "with the very 
greatest respect", appealed from the decisioi^ 
of the Chair. On the division that followed, his 
appeal was defeated by a majority of eighteen 
votes. Thus ended the possibility of the Fifty- 
fifth Congress authorizing the construction of 
the isthmian canal.-^^ 

From the time the Fifty-fifth Congress ad- 
journed until the beginning of the Fifty-sixth, 
the fight against the Nicaragua canal project 
never abated. The transcontinental railroads 
were prepared to array their influence against 
any plan that seemed likely to succeed ; and the 
New Panama Canal Company, fearful of losing 
its franchise and property, maintained a power- 



208 "willia:\i peters hepburn 

ful lobby in Washington, invited Congressmen 
to visit the Isthmus at the expense of the com- 
pany, and employed powerful agencies to in- 
fluence public opinion in favor of the Panama 
route. The situation was further complicated 
by the negotiation of the Hay-Pauncefote 
treaty. Throughout the controversy Hepburn 
never wavered in his determination that an 
isthmian canal should be built through Nica- 
ragua.-^^ 

The parliamentary situation changed in the 
Fifty-sixth Congress the instant that David B. 
Henderson took the Speaker's chair. Although 
the Reed rules were adopted it was understood 
that the new administration would allow the 
Nicaragua canal bill to come before the House 
for consideration on its merits. On March 3, 
1899, the Isthmian Canal Commission had been 
authorized to make a complete investigation of 
the possible canal routes, but Hepburn refused 
to await the report. He introduced a bill on 
December 7, 1899, which in substance was prac- 
tically the same as the one he had fathered in 
the previous session of Congress. The Com- 
mittee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce 
amended the bill by substituting more guarded 
phrases in reference to the defense of the canal, 
by removing the restriction upon the President 
relative to detailing engineers of the Army 
and Navy for the work, and by appropriating 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 209 

only ten million of the one hundred and forty 
million dollars fixed as the a^-greo^ate cost.-^^ 

On February 17, 1900, Hepburn reported his 
bill as amended to the House where it was re- 
ferred to the Committee of the Whole. In his 
report the Colonel showed very clearly that he 
wanted an American canal, built by Americans 
with American capital, and protected by Amer- 
ican fortifications. Having briefly summarized 
the need, practicability, cost, and probable rev- 
enue to be derived from the canal he launched 
into a discussion of the international problems 
connected with the project. He adhered strictly 
to the Monroe Doctrine and declared that the 
Clayton-Bulwer treaty had long before ceased 
to have any binding force.^^- 

People who favored an isthmian canal con- 
curred in the vigorous American policy so 
tersely stated by Colonel Hepburn. The editor 
of the Revieiv of Revieivs, Albert Shaw, heart- 
ily endorsed ''the able and sound report". 
''Stand by your guns!" wrote 0. E. Payne. 
"No such opportunity to make the Monroe 
Doctrine, or to undo it, was ever presented to 
our country. It will be the greatest achieve- 
ment in American statesmanship, during the 
past twenty-five years". Another correspond- 
ent informed the Colonel that his "logical and 
convincing construction of the Clayton-Bulwer 
Convention ' ' was irrefutable. ' ' Seldom have I 



15 



210 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

read a state document," lie continued, ''in any 
of the five languages over which my study of 
international politics and general political sci- 
ence extends, which for concise and exhaustive 
statement of the subject-matter could excel the 
terse and yet comprehensive and lucid presen- 
tation of the Nicaragua canal question in your 
report. "-^^ 

There was of course much opposition to the 
bill. The opponents of any isthmian canal re- 
newed their activity. There were others who 
desired a different route. Among those who 
favored the Nicaragua canal there were di- 
vergent opinions. The Outlook disparaged the 
idea of making the canal a national highway of 
the United States and advocated neutralization 
according to the terms of the original Hay- 
Pauncefote treaty. A minority of the Com- 
mittee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, 
while agreeing with the majority on an exclu- 
sively American canal, wished to postpone 
action until the Hay-Pauncefote treaty was 
amended to give the United States the absolute 
right to own and control the canal. The 
Chicago Inter-Ocean took the attitude that the 
Nicaragua canal bill was in plain violation of 
the Clayton-Bulwer treaty and insinuated that 
Hepburn, because he saw no necessity of the 
Hay-Pauncefote treaty, was therefore urging 
the passage of his bill, under which no canal 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 211 

could be constructed, in order to defeat the 
whole project and thereby secure the friendship 
of the transcontinental railroads.-^'* 

Three days after the Nicaragua canal bill was 
reported Hepburn asked unanimous consent to 
set a day for its consideration, but Joseph G. 
Cannon objected; and on two later occasions 
Theodore E. Burton objected to similar mo- 
tions. Weeks passed and a discussion of the 
bill could not be obtained. At last, however, it 
was made a special order for the first and sec- 
ond of May, 1900.-^^ 

At the appointed time Colonel Hepburn 
opened the debate by reviewing the history of 
American efforts to build an inter-oceanic 
canal. In anticipation of the arguments of 
Representatives w^ho had doubts in regard to 
the engineering features of the Nicaragua canal 
— "and doubts are all they have upon these 
matters of engineering", he added parenthet- 
ically — the Colonel enumerated the many sur- 
veys and verifications of surveys of the 
Nicaragua route, every one of which had re- 
ported the canal to be feasible. Indeed, every 
portion of the route had been so thoroughly 
investigated that he felt almost justified in 
saying that a photograph had been obtained ' ' of 
every grasshopper and bug that could be found 
in all that 179 miles of tropical country." In 
the light of that information there seemed to be 



212 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

no necessity for further postponement of legis- 
lation.^'^*' 

The diplomatic aspect of the question next 
occupied Hepburn's attention. He cited a long 
list of statesmen who maintained that the 
Clayton-Bulwer treaty was no longer operative 
because it had become obsolete or had been 
** violated by Great Britain in such a degree as 
to justify us in no longer recognizing its 
potency". Even if that were not true he in- 
sisted that the United States would be justified 
in abrogating the treaty on the ground that the 
right to make a treaty is dependent on circum- 
stances and therefore no treaty is binding for 
all time. "I say that the conditions have so 
changed, I say that our necessities have so 
changed, I say that our interests are so great 
as to demand that the people of this generation 
will not longer be bound by the barrier that was 
interposed by another generation half a century 
ago." 

When it was suggested that the ratification 
of the pending Hay-Pauncefote treaty giv- 
ing England equal rights in the canal would 
nullify the provisions of the canal bill, Hepburn 
asked if it was proposed "to stop now because 
of the fear that something may lie in the fu- 
ture". His opinion was "that if this House of 
Representatives, by an almost unanimous vote, 
declares that it ought to be the policy of the 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 213 

American people to own tliat canal, iintram- 
meled by entangling alliances with anj^ nation 
or nations, there is no official in the United 
States that will dare to say nay to that. ' ' 

Colonel Hepburn wanted "an American 
canal to be built and controlled by onr own 
people absolntely and exclusively. We want a 
canal that will discriminate, if discrimination is 
to be made, in favor of onr own people. In 
other words, we want to control the enterprise 
ourselves absolutely and entirely." With those 
objects in view he could not see how the Panama 
route would subserve the purposes of tlie 
United States. Two hundred and fifty-six mil- 
lion dollars had been squandered on the Panama 
Canal and none of the chief engineering feats 
of construction were past the stage of specu- 
lation, and the major portion of the stock of the 
New Panama Canal Company was scattered all 
over France and not for sale. So Hepburn had 
no hesitation in advocating the Nicaragua route 
which could be controlled by the government 
and which would not cost more than one hun- 
dred and forty-five million dollars. 

In connection with the advantages of govern- 
ment ownership the Colonel declared that the 
free use of the canal by American ships would 
be the "means of stimulating shipbuilding in 
the shipyards in the United States" and the 
law which authorized the construction of the 



214 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

canal by the government would be ''the most 
important item of legislation that this country 
has undertaken to enact in the last thirty 
years." 

This speech by Colonel Hepburn opened the 
flood gates of Congressional oratory. Indeed, 
so many members wished to speak that some 
difficulty was experienced in dividing the time 
among the contending factions. For hours men 
declaimed, and extended their remarks in the 
Congressional Record until every phase of the 
question had been exhausted. As usual Joseph 
Gr. Cannon constituted the disturbing element in 
the debate. He urged further postponement of 
canal legislation and insinuated that Hepburn 
was promoting the bill because in reality it 
would tend to delay the construction of the 
canal.-^'^ 

In the evening the Colonel replied ' ' to certain 
strictures upon the pending bill indulged in by 
the gentleman from Illinois .... in his 
hysterical assault" and challenged Cannon's 
sincerity. He closed with an appeal to support 
the Nicaragua canal bill. ''It is possible, I 
know," he said, "that a better bill than this 
should be had; it Avas not possible for me to 
draw one .... I know that I have yielded 
much of my convictions as to what was best in 
order to secure that which was possible. Let 
me urge you to do the same. ' ' 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 215 

On the following day Cannon took occasion to 
remark that ''when a man anywhere is ready to 
challenge the sincerity of a fellow-member on 
the floor of the House that he is only ready to 
do so perhaps because he turns his glance in- 
ward and applies the proposition to himself as 
to what he might do under similar circum- 
stances."-^^ 

Thereupon Hepburn arose to say that on all 
occasions where Cannon "has had an oppor- 
tunity, by insolent interference, he has at- 
tempted to stop the progress of this great work 
. . . . Twice in the last five years his com- 
mittee, that never gave a word of attention or 
study to the subject, have intervened and have 
secured a suspension of action .... I say 
this to him, if he means to father it, that the 
man who said that I was not in good faith, that 
I had any other purpose than that of securing 
at the earliest moment that canal that would 
most benefit us, I say that he lied ; and if it was 
parliamentary to do it, I would say the man 
that attempted to give currency to it by its repe- 
tition here was a liar. " 

"I have seen in my time other men and mem- 
bers trying to play the cuttlefish act and muddy 
the waters and swim away", jeered Cannon. 

"I propose no cuttlefish movement here", 
retorted Hepburn. " I do not propose to muddy 
the waters and get away. I am responsible for 



216 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

what I liave said to the gentleman and to this 
House. I have weighed my words; and while 
they are earnest, I know what they mean. I 
believe that he tried to dishonor me here, and I 
resent it. I want him to understand it. ' ' 

Every effort was made to rob the bill of its 
exclusive American features when it was de- 
bated section by section. Hepburn was on the 
alert, however, and the bill passed by a vote of 
two hundred and twenty-four to thirty-six in 
practically the same form that it was reported. 
In the Senate the Hepburn canal bill was re- 
ported without amendment, but during the re- 
mainder of the first session of the Fifty-sixth 
Congress and throughout the second session it 
was impossible to obtain a discussion of the 
measure.^'^^ 

The Fifty-seventh Congress had been in ses- 
sion only four days when Hepburn again intro- 
duced his Nicaragua canal bill. On December 
19, 1901, three days after the ratification of the 
Hay-Pauncefote treaty which expressly abro- 
gated the Clayton-Bulwer convention and gave 
the United States exclusive control of the 
canal, the Committee on Interstate and For- 
eign Commerce reported the Hepburn canal 
bill with the "earnest recommendation" that it 
pass. Except that one hundred and eighty mil- 
lion dollars instead of one hundred and forty 
million dollars was fixed as the limit of cost, 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 217 

this bill was identical with the one that passed 
the House in the previous Congress.^*^^ 

Colonel Hepburn opened the debate upon his 
bill on January 7, 1902. He emphasized the 
fact that the bill ''invested the President with 
all the authority necessary to accomplish all 
that is preliminary and then to accomplish this 
great work .... There is no divided 
authority under the terms of this bill. There is 
no commission. There is no place made in this 
bill for the retirement of partially defunct 
statesmen." The increased cost, he explained, 
was due to plans for a wider and deeper canal. 
Again he touched upon the free use of the canal 
as a subsidy for American shipping.^*' ^ 

In the course of the debate the Colonel was 
asked what objection there would be to pro- 
viding in the bill for an alternative route if the 
interests of the New Panama Canal Company 
could be purchased at a fair price. ''I believe 
so supremely in the superiority of the route 
that is nearest to us", he replied, "that I want 
to labor, if I can, to carry out the views of the 
committee that I represent ; and I look upon any 
attempt to entangle us in any way with the 
Panama Canal as simply another effort in the 
direction of delay." Besides being four hun- 
dred miles nearer the United States, he stated, 
the Nicaragua route possessed the advantage 
of being at a point where trade winds prevail 



218 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

for tlie benefit of sailing vessels and contribute 
towards making- that route the "healthiest of 
all tropical regions" in contrast to ''the ceme- 
tery owned by the Panama Canal Company". 
Moreover, he had been told that the passage 
of a vessel through the distance of fresh water 
in the Nicaragua Canal would have an appreci- 
able effect in freeing the ships from barnacles. 
As to the probability of the Panama Canal be- 
ing completed to compete with the Nicaragua 
Canal he replied that the French government 
would build its capital on the Mall in Washing- 
ton as soon. Admitting that the locks of the 
canal might be destroyed by a stick of dynamite, 
he added that there was also a possibility of the 
assassination of the President of the United 
States. 

After two hours of discussion led by Colonel 
Hepburn the general debate began and con- 
tinued through three days. Conditions had 
changed since 1900 so that there was no direct 
opposition to the bill and only a few members 
of the House had the temerity to offer amend- 
ments. The relative merit of the Panama and 
Nicaragua routes was the subject of most of the 
debate, although the control and fortification of 
the canal received some attention. Many of the 
speakers paid a timely tribute to the zeal and 
perseverance of Colonel Hepburn who had 
''pressed this bill before the House for so many 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 219 

years." Toward the end of the debate Cannon 
delivered a long address in which he advised 
further delay ; and Hepburn replied in a speech 
replete with stinging sarcasm. It was a little 
after five o'clock on January 9, 1902, when the 
vote on the passage of the Hepburn canal bill 
was taken: three hundred and eight Repre- 
sentatives responded yea and only two said 

The passage of the Hepburn canal bill was 
hailed in Iowa as "one of the most remarkable 
legislative acts recorded in history" and the 
"greatest compliment ever paid by the house to 
a congressman". Elsewhere, however, the of- 
fer of the New Panama Canal Company to sell 
its interests for forty million dollars caused a 
marked trend of public opinion away from the 
Nicaragua route. On January 18th the Isth- 
mian Canal Commission filed a report in favor 
of the Panama route and when the Hepburn bill 
came before the Senate for debate John C. 
Spooner offered an amendment authorizing the 
President to acquire the property of the New 
Panama Canal Company and a strip of land 
from Colombia within a reasonable time and 
upon reasonable terms ; but if that could not be 
accomplished then he was to secure the neces- 
sary territory through Nicaragiia and proceed 
to build the canal there. Furthermore, the con- 
struction of the canal was to be in the hands of 



220 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

a commission of seven members. The bill as 
amended passed the Senate by a vote of sixty- 
seven to six. At first the House refused to 
concur in the Senate amendments, but after a 
conference the Spooner measure was adopted 
by a vote of two hundred and sixty to eight, 
probably because the majority in the House be- 
lieved the President would not be able to make 
acceptable negotiations for the Panama route 
within a reasonable time. The act was signed 
by President Roosevelt on June 28, 1902.^'^^ 

In moving the adoption of the conference re- 
port Colonel Hepburn said that he had not in 
"any manner modified" his opinions of the 
"wisdom of the action of the House on the 9th 
day of last January", for he still believed in 
the Nicaragua route and in the concentration of 
authority in the President. Despite all the de- 
fects of the Senate amendments, however, he 
believed it would be better to do something than 
to delay any longer "the beginning of some 
work in the direction of accomplishment". In- 
deed, as early as January 28, 1902, he had writ- 
ten to a friend that he wanted a canal and 
preferred the Nicaragua route, but if that route 
could not be obtained he would support the 
Panama route rather than have no canal.^^'* 

Seizing advantage of an opportune revolu- 
tion in Colombia, the government of the United 
States recognized the independence of Panama 



ISTHMIAN CANAL 221 

on November 6, 1903; and on November ]8t]i a 
treaty was signed with the new republic which 
granted to the United States in perpetuity the 
use, occupation, and control of a canal zone 
across the Isthmus/"^*^'"' On April 16, 1904, a 
Senate bill which appropriated ten million dol- 
lars in pajTuent for the Canal Zone and outlined 
a form of government for the same was re- 
ferred to the House Committee on Interstate 
and Foreign Commerce. Two days before 
President Roosevelt had written to Colonel 
Hepburn: "1 hope you will be able to put 
through the Panama legislation. It seems to 
me absolutely necessary that we should have 
something of the kind." Hepburn reported the 
bill on April 20th, it passed the House on the 
following day, and was approved by the Presi- 
dent a week later.^*^*' 

Thus ended the long struggle for legislation 
authorizing the construction of the isthmian 
canal by the United States. There were, of 
course, many questions pertaining to the canal 
which remained to be decided by Congress, and 
until the end of his public career Colonel Hep- 
burn was prominent in shaping canal legisla- 
tion. For the purpose of securing first-hand 
information of conditions in the Canal Zone he 
made two trips to Panama with the Committee 
on Interstate and Foreign Commerce — once in 
November, 1904, and again in December, 1908. 



222 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

He was the author of a bill to regulate the 
finances connected with the construction of the 
canal : the measure was introduced on the open- 
ing day of the Fifty-ninth Congress, ran the 
gauntlet of both chambers, and was approved 
by the President seventeen days later. Again, 
in 1906 when it became necessary to determine 
whether the Panama Canal should be of sea- 
level or lock type a Senate bill providing for a 
lock canal identical with one introduced in the 
House by Colonel Hepburn gained enactment.^^^ 
Both the Republican and Democratic mem- 
bers of the Committee on Interstate and For- 
eign Commerce united in giving William P. 
Hepburn the credit for making the Panama 
Canal a reality. Irving P. Wanger declared 
that ''it was through the determined, able, 
broadminded efforts of our chairman that the 
construction of an Isthmian canal, has been 
made an immediate possibility, and its comple- 
tion within a reasonable time a positive cer- 
tainty." It was the opinion of William C. 
Adamson that when this great waterway should 
be completed "the name of William Peters 
Hepburn will be lauded by mankind as that of 
the man who built the canal. "^"^^ 



XXIV 

The Electiox of 1904 

DuEiNG the period William P. Hepburn was 
engaged in championing the cause of the 
canal he experienced little difficulty in keeping 
his seat in Congress. To be sure, in 1898 he 
encountered some disaffection ''growing out of 
post office matters"; but by October 8th, when 
the campaig-n was formally opened, conditions 
had greatly improved. Since, however, ''pru- 
dent men do not fail to fight", the Colonel cam- 
paigned as vigorously as his health would per- 
mit.^*^^ A Eepublican majority of twenty-six 
hundred and five votes completely discredited 
the assertion that the nomination of Hepburn 
would be dangerous on account of his small 
majority in 1896.^^° 

When Senator John H. Gear died on July 14, 
1900, Colonel Hepburn was urged to become a 
candidate for the vacant seat in the United 
States Senate. Buren R. Sherman wrote to 
Governor Leslie M. Shaw that there was "no 
more competent or efficient man in all Iowa, for 
the position of Senator, than William P. Hep- 
burn", since he combined "ability and experi- 

223 



224 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ence, with the highest personal accomplish- 
ments and correct habits". Jonathan P. 
Dolliver, Albert B. Cummins, and John F. 
Lacey were other prominent men who were con- 
sidered for the place. The question was settled 
on August 22nd when it was announced that 
Jonathan P. Dolliver had been selected. Three 
days later Colonel Hepburn wrote to the Gov- 
ernor expressing his approval of the appoint- 
ment. Governor Shaw replied that ''no letter 
of the hundreds" that had come to his desk was 
more valued. "I think I can appreciate the 
heart-throbs it must have cost you, whatever 
may have been your judgment, to see another 
advanced to a position which you had honorably 
aspired to fill."^^^ 

Though Colonel Hepburn had planned to 
participate extensively in the campaign of 1900 
he found himself in such ill health that after 
delivering a few speeches seated in a chair and 
doubled up with rheumatism he cancelled his 
engagements and went to Hot Springs, Arkan- 
sas, early in September. He returned to Iowa 
in October, however, and in spite of severe pain 
made a number of able addresses before election 
day. He was reelected to Congress by a ma- 
jority of forty-six hundred and fifteen votes. ^^- 

The panic of 1893 was the closing episode of 
the first period of industrial concentration. 
After 1896 the recovery of public confidence 



ELECTION OF 1904 225 

caused a revival of speculation, aud the drift 
toward monopoly was renewed. The Repub- 
lican party, through the leadership of Marcus 
A. Hanna, became the avowed ally of organized 
business. Under the protection of the Dingley 
Tariff of 1897 trusts grew amazingly: pros- 
perity reigned throughout the country. The 
people had lost none of their antipathy for 
monopoly, however, and from the AVest there 
came the suggestion that the way to control the 
trusts was through the tariff. In 1901 Albert B. 
Cummins, the leader of a liberal Republican 
faction, was elected Governor of Iowa on a 
platform which demanded "any modification of 
the tariff schedules that may be required to 
prevent their affording a shelter to monopoly." 
For several years following 1901 trusts and the 
tariff constituted the chief topics in Iowa 
politics. ^^^ 

In the uneventful campaign of 1902 Colonel 
Hepburn defeated T. M. Stuart by a majority 
of sixty-eight hundred and sixty votes — which 
drew from Senator Dolliver the comment that 
"this thing seems to grow more easy for you at 
each election." The political chessboard in 
1904, however, did not present such a simple 
problem. Governor Cummins had been making 
capital out of the "Iowa idea" that the protec- 
tive tariff operated as a shelter to monopoly. 
Supported by the liberal Republicans the 

16 



226 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Governor declared in his inaugural address 
on January 15, 1904, that he favored reciproc- 
ity with Canada in competitive agricultural 
products. 

Nearly two months earlier Hepburn, repre- 
senting the conservative element in the Repub- 
lican party, had delivered a notable speech in 
Congress in which he said: *'I believe in the 
doctrine of reciprocity", but with the reciprocal 
arrangement confined to the ''noncompetitive 
articles that will not interfere with our labor or 
with our industries." It must have been with 
feelings of satisfaction, therefore, that he re- 
ceived the news toward the end of January, 
1904, that the prevailing sentiment in Iowa was 
to endure the Governor 's ' ' vagaries ' ' no longer 
and that the Republicans did "not stand for 
free trade with Canada and the country ought 
to know it."^^^ 

An interview which had wide circulation in 
Iowa newspapers early in March credited Hep- 
burn with the statement that the man "who 
calls himself a republican and does not believe 
in protection is not a republican — he is a 
democrat." He added, however, that revision 
of the tariff "along the lines of progress and 
advancement is one of the principles of protec- 
tion." An "unqualified denial" was the best 
answer he could give to the claim that the tariff 
sheltered monopoly. He could see no benefit to 



ELECTION OF 1904 227 

the United States from reciprocity with Can- 
ada, and he believed that the ''level headed 
farmers" of Iowa would repudiate any attacks 
upon the principle of protection.'' ^^ 

On April 5, 1904, Hepburn was renominated 
for Congress with more enthusiasm than bad 
been evinced in many years. "Standpatism 
reigned supreme." Indeed, from the spirit 
manifest in the Creston convention and from 
new^s of the action of many county conventions 
Hepburn w^as enabled to say, when he returned 
to Congress a few weeks later, that the "Iowa 
idea" had been "put to rest" and that the Re- 
publicans of Iowa had asserted themselves in 
harmony with the time-honored principles of 
the party.^^*^ 

In accepting his eleventh Congressional nomi- 
nation Colonel Hepburn delivered a speech 
which was received everywhere as a pronounce- 
ment of the Republican doctrines that were to 
dominate the ensuing campaign. Protection of 
the labor of the country, he asserted, w^as the 
basis of Republican political organization and 
the foundation upon which had been built the 
"great superstructure of our prosperity." 
Conceived in the interest of free labor, the Re- 
publican party had always adhered to the prin- 
ciple of ameliorating labor conditions. The 
protective tariff was simply the product of the 
idea that "capital should not own labor: "■'^^'^ 



228 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

He iterated the idea that there was no "sa- 
credness in schedules" because changing con- 
ditions would always demand the revision of 
tariff rates but to the protective principle Ee- 
publicans would continue to cling. "Some- 
times ' ', he said, ' ' we have been told by men in 
our own party that adhesion to this great prin- 
ciple meant stagnation .... that it is only 
the dead that 'stand pat.' " Those who make 
such a charge, Hepburn declared, are ' ' as faulty 
in their theology as they are in their politics." 
He understood that death "ushers in more 
glorious possibilities" and constitutes "the 
hope and the consolation" of Christians. To 
him the synonym of "stand pat" was "hold 
fast", and with that definition in mind he de- 
duced that St. Paul, "the wisest of men", was 
a "standpatter", for it was he who said: 
"Prove all things: hold fast that which is 
good." 

To Hepburn's mind the benefits of protection 
had been proved beyond a doub't. Seventy-two 
years of free trade had made the United States 
a debtor nation, but under the fostering influ- 
ence of the protective tariff the balance of trade 
had turned in favor of the United States and 
the wealth of other nations poured into this 
country. In 1860 the surplus wealth in the 
United States accumulated by "all the toilers 
during eight generations of men and nearly two' 



ELECTION OF 1904 229 

hundred and fifty years of struggle" was six- 
teen billion dollars because Americans had 
bought the necessities of life abroad. ''Then 
we changed our policy and Ave began to make 
for ourselves and to keep here at home that 
which we made. We have in the United States 
today not less than eighty-six billions of 
wealth." In view of these results the Colonel 
pronounced the protective policy to be good. 
**I am inclined to think", he continued, "that it 
is the opinion of the republican party, in this 
part of the state at least, that we will 'hold 
fast' and that probably, we will be careful here- 
after to see to it that those we honor and that 
those we place in positions of leadership and 
trust have proven this matter". 

Before concluding his speech Colonel Hep- 
burn could not refrain from reviewing the 
mistakes of the Democratic party and congratu- 
lating the Republicans upon the leadership of 
Theodore Eoosevelt, whom he characterized as 
being "honest beyond criticism or cavil; truth- 
ful in all utterances; bold under all circum- 
stances ; wise in the policy of government ; well 
grounded in the principles that have made this 
nation great ".^^^ 

On the relation of the protective tariff to 
monopoly Hepburn stated his position best in a 
brilliant speech delivered in the House of Rep- 
resentatives on April 23, 1904. "We are not in 



230 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

favor of taking- away the tariff from an article 
simply because it may become the creature of a 
trust", lie declared. "If there is such a shelter 
found by the trusts as a tariff schedule, we will 
take care of the trusts in some other way. We 
will not pull down the scaffolding of our pros- 
perity in order to reach a trust. "•''^^ 

When Hepburn was selected to be the tempo- 
rary chairman of the Republican State conven- 
tion on July 20, 1904, both Standpatters and 
Progressives knew that the key-note speech 
would resound with genuine Republicanism. If 
there was any apprehension that the Colonel's 
declaration of principles would offend the 
"Iowa idea" men the fear was allayed on the 
evening before the convention wdien Governor 
Cummins, in a public address, practically re- 
versed his attitude on reciprocity and the rela- 
tion of the tariff to trusts.^-*^ Hepburn devoted 
the major portion of his speech to a ^dvid por- 
trayal of the work of the Republican party, 
lingering especially upon the tariff question as 
though protection was a magic word which 
would transform America into a land of peace 
and plenty. A more extreme statement of con- 
servative Republicanism was scarcely possible, 
and when Governor Cummins declared that "in 
its every line and in its every sentiment" the 
speech expressed his belief. Standpatters and 
Progressives vied with each other in applause. ^^^ 



ELECTION OP 1904 931 

The harmony which prevailed in the State 
convention continned throniihont the campaign. 
Scarcely a day passed from the middle of 
August until the first of November that Colonel 
Hepburn did not make a political speech. If he 
was not participating in a Republican rally 
somewhere in the eighth district he was work- 
ing for the good of his party elsewhere in Iowa, 
praising the protective tariff in New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, or electioneering for his com- 
mittee colleagues in Michigan and Minnesota.''-- 

In the course of the campaign the Colonel 
was asked to state his attitude toward railroad 
regulation. On August 9th he was requested to 
prepare an article to be published in Freiglit 
upon the subject of legislation to increase the 
powers of the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
sion, and the following day Henry Wallace, the 
editor of Wallaces' Farmer, tendered him a 
similar invitation. Both of these proposals he 
declined, but in his reply to Wallace he vouch- 
safed a belief ''in the necessity of, and the duty 
of securing, legislative means by which all ex- 
tortions and all discriminations as to persons, 
place, and commodities shall be not only pro- 
hibited by law, but prevented in fact." He was 
not prepared to say, in advance of committee 
hearings, that he favored ' ' giving the power of 
rate fixing into the hands of a majority of five 
men" and if he believed that Congress was 



232 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

dominated by corporations he ' ' certainly would 
not vote" to delegate that power to the kind of 
men who usually composed the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission.^- ^ 

A week later Henry Wallace replied that ''it 
is not enough for a member of Congress to be in 
favor of legislation by means of which all dis- 
crimination and extortion shall be prevented in 
law and in fact. It is his duty to devise the 
effective method." Whether true or false, the 
suspicion that Congress was under the control 
of corporations afforded "a plausible explana- 
tion of the present condition of affairs." The 
farmers of Iowa, he said, could "find little com- 
fort in the thought that they are represented in 
Congress by men of unusual ability, if that 
ability is used against them instead of for 
them." Colonel Hepburn was advised to give 
the Commission "power to make prima facie 
rates. "324 

Stimulated by the activity of the Corn Belt 
Meat Producers' Association and the Western 
Cattle Growers' Association, the editor of Wal- 
laces' Farmer was induced to publish a long 
open letter to W. P. Hepburn on September 16, 
1904. It began with the statement that the 
"farmers and stockmen of Iowa are learning 
with surprise and not a little humiliation that 
by reason of the attitude of some of their repre- 
sentatives in the national cono:ress on the trans- 



ELECTION OF 1904 233 

portation question, they are regarded by the 
farmers of other states as standing- in the way 
of sorely needed reforms .... Particu- 
larly they are not able to understand why tlie 
representative of the Eighth District .... 
should throw the weight of his influence against 
any attempt to amend the interstate comnierce 
law." Hepburn was reminded that he was de- 
feated in 1886 because the people "were suffer- 
ing from discriminations in railroad traffic" 
and he "would promise them no relief." Con- 
ditions in 1904, it was alleged, were much the 
same as they had been eighteen years previous 
— a situation which was entirely satisfactory to 
the railroads. "What your constituents and 
the people of Iowa generally want to know is, 
Is it satisfactory to you?" There was never 
a more appropriate time to give evidence of 
statesmanship, the letter declared. "Why not 
take up a subject in which the people have a 
vUrI interest and tell the farmers of your dis- 
trict wdiy they should pay $9.50 per car more 
on hogs and $10 more on cattle in order that 
the beef trust may pile up yet other mil- 
lions ".^-^ 

This open letter Colonel Hepburn refused to 
answer. He believed that his Congressional 
record on railroad regulation was above criti- 
cism, and he preferred then as in the past to 
allow his deeds to speak for the honesty of his 



234 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

motives. Later events proved that his attitude 
was unfortunate, for it led to unpleasant mis- 
understandings. But since he had no confidence 
in the personnel of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission it could hardly be expected that he 
would be enthusiastically in favor of increasing 
the powers of an incompetent body.^-*^ 

Although the agitation for a new railroad 
rate law probably had no effect upon the elec- 
tion of 1904 it was the first indication of falling 
action in the drama of Hepburn's life. While 
he was returned to Congress by a majority of 
nearly eleven thousand votes — the widest mar- 
gin ever polled by a Congressman in the eighth 
Iowa district — the forces set in motion by 
Henry Wallace at that time compassed his ulti- 
mate defeat. Strange to relate the railroad 
question was the rock upon which Hepburn's 
public career was twice wrecked but upon which 
nevertheless he attained the pinnacle of his 
fame.^^^ 



XXV 

Trip to the Orient 

Early in the spring of 1905 William H. Taft, 
then Secretary of War, invited a niimher of 
Senators and Representatives to accompany 
him on a trip to the Orient. Colonel Hepburn 
was among those who accepted the invitation. 
Although the party did not depart until July, 
the Colonel and Mrs. Hepburn sailed from San 
Francisco on the first of June in order that they 
might spend a few weeks with their daughter, 
Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain, in Hono- 
lulu.2-« 

Colonel Hepburn had scarcely set foot upon 
the soil of Hawaii before he was beset by news- 
paper reporters armed with a multitude of 
questions. He told them that the possession of 
the Hawaiian Islands "as a defensive measure 
for the Pacific coast" was of ''great value to 
the United States." To Hawaii the Panama 
Canal would prove to be a boon both in Occi- 
dental and Oriental trade. The immigration 
question, he said, was becoming very serious in 
America because undesirable classes from 
southeastern Europe were lodging in the cities 

235 



236 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

where until the third generation they retained 
their native language. He thought there would 
be no change in the policy of Chinese exclu- 
sion.-*'-^ Whatever the outcome of the Russo- 
Japanese War, the United States was bound to 
maintain the open door in the Orient. ''That's 
what the navy is for", he added significantly. 
His impressions of Honolulu were very pleas- 
ant, and he anticipated that his sojourn w^ould 
be full of interest.^^" 

Judging by the number of addresses Colonel 
Hepburn delivered it is probable that his visit 
in Hawaii was productive of as much good to 
his hosts as to himself. It was said, indeed, 
that he "gained the Aloha of the people of Ha- 
waii" by his talks and his attractive person- 
ality. So varied were the occasions on which 
he spoke that an opportunity was afforded to 
express his views on many important ques- 
tions.^'''^ 

"American Citizenship" was the subject of 
his speech at the celebration of Flag Day and 
Kamehameha Day. He spoke of the great 
problem that was settled by the Civil War, but 
more especially of the problems yet to be 
solved. If the United States was to endure, 
said he, it would be because "civic virtue, high 
national ideals, and an intelligent conception of 
the principles of government" were main- 
tained. To attain that end he would have 



TRIP TO THE ORIENT 237 

people put their trust in party or^c^anization be- 
cause political parties had become a part of 
republican government : he had ' ' always been a 
partisan." ''But I have never excused my- 
self" he continued, **for voting for a candidate 
known to be unfit by saying that he was regu- 
larly nominated by my party, perhaps through 
my own negligence at the primaries. I can see 
no line of difference between these public duties 
and our private duties." Mere obedience to the 
laws did not constitute good citizenship in the 
Colonel's opinion.^^- 

"The philosophy of the ballot is not always 
understood", said Hepburn at a Republican 
rally in July. ''The ballot is not given to men 
as an asset. The ballot imposes duty and obli- 
gation upon the men who have it. The man 
who has the right to cast a ballot has a duty 
imposed upon him of casting it righteously and 
rightly, of knowing what it means, and recog- 
nizing the fact that when he voted for his candi- 
date, not because he loves the man, or believes 
in immediate personal benefit, but because he 
knows that man is pledged to administer his 
office along the lines that the voter believes to 
be right and possible. "^^'^ 

On the evening of June 12th William P. 
Hepburn was a g-uest of honor at a banquet 
given by the president of the Hawaiian board of 
health. The object of the gathering was to eel- 



238 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ebrate the appropriation by Congress of one 
hundred and fifty thousand dollars to establish 
on the leper reservation on Molokai Island, 
"a hospital station and laboratory of the Public 
Health and Marine-Hospital Service of the 
United States for the study of the methods of 
transmission, cause, and treatment of leprosy." 
This measure had been introduced in the House 
of Representatives by Colonel Hepburn on De- 
cember 21, 1904, reported favorably by him 
from the Committee on Interstate and Foreign 
Commerce, and passed by the House on Febru- 
ary 28, 1905, after he had obtained unanimous 
consent for the consideration of the bill.^^^ 

The felicity of this banquet was duplicated 
by another on the evening of July 3rd at which 
Colonel Hepburn responded to a toast to Theo- 
dore Roosevelt in a manner that "aroused the 
patriotism of the guests to the highest pitch ".^^^ 
In the course of his remarks he declared that 
the labor problem was the most serious question 
with which the President had to deal. "Are we 
to allow an interest in this country — a labor 
interest though it may be — to re-write the con- 
stitution of the United States, or are we going 
to adhere to our belief that all men have the 
right to the pursuit of happiness, embodying as 
it does the right to make contracts ; to control 
labor, embodying as it does the right to select 
one's own employers and the amount of stipend 



TRIP TO THE ORIENT 239 

and the duration of the hours for work?" ex- 
claimed the Colonel. ''Are we g'oing to say that 
certain gentlemen who claim to be the especial 
guardians of labor, shall determine and make it 
their right that no American citizen without the 
card of some union and who pays tribute in tlie 

form of a tax to a labor organization, shall 
work?"23G 

The steamship Manchuria, bearing the Taft 
party, arrived at Honolulu on the morning of 
July 14th and departed in the evening of the 
same day on the long voyage to the Orient. 
During the remainder of the tour Colonel and 
Mrs. Hepburn were members of the official 
party. At daybreak of July 25th the Man- 
cliuria was greeted Avith a magnificent display 
of fircM^orks in Tokyo Bay and a few hours later 
the Taft party disemliarked at Yokahama to 
board a special train bound for Tokyo. For a 
week the people of Japan overwhelmed their 
American guests with Oriental hospitality. 
Not since General Grant visited Nippon had 
foreign tourists received such a splendid recep- 
tion. Everywhere Secretary Taft was greeted 
with shouts of ''Banzai", while for Miss Alice 
Roosevelt there was always a gorgeous bouquet. 
The whole party was invited to a luncheon with 
the Emperor, and it was said to be almost worth 
a trip to Japan to see Colonel "Pete" Hepburn 
enter the presence of the "Son of Heaven". 



240 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

From Tokyo the party went to Kyoto, thence to 
Kobe where the Manchuria w^as waiting, and 
then out to sea by way of Nagasaki.^^^ 

It was August 5th, early in the morning, when 
the big Pacific liner steamed past the frowning 
fort of Corregidor and entered the placid wa- 
ters of Manila Bay. For more than a week the 
Taft party remained in Manila, listening to 
arguments for changes in the government, vis- 
iting the schools, reviewing parades, and at- 
tending banquets.^"^^ 

One event was made notable by Colonel Hep- 
burn's ''eloquent and powerful" reply to some 
Filipino orators who demanded a reduction of 
taxes, more participation in the government, 
and early independence. He said he could as- 
sure them that the United States had no inten- 
tion of exploiting the islands, was prompted by 
no purpose of selfishness, and entertained no 
other desire than to secure the happiness and 
prosperity of the Filipino people. He ventured 
to predict that by the time the Filipinos were 
capable of self-government they would so honor 
American customs and government that they 
would be loath to sever their allegiance to "the 
starry banner of liberty and religious toler- 
ance." He reminded his auditors that free 
government had usually been founded upon 
centuries of political experience and the wisdom 
of great statesmen. In respect to high taxes he 



TRIP TO THE ORIENT 241 

suggested that tliouglitfiil men would recognize 
the need of providing highways, railroads, and 
ports in anticipation of futnre commercial 
development.^^® 

The afternoon of Angiist 14th found Secre- 
tary Taft and his companions ^'sagging south" 
along the rock-bound coast of Panay Island on 
a tour of the archipelago. Their purpose was 
to listen to grievances and acquire information 
which might have a bearing upon future legisla- 
tion or administration. A day was spent in 
Iloilo, the city of beautiful sunsets, and then 
the party crossed Guimoras Strait to Bacolod 
on Negros Island where the usual appalling 
program of processions, luncheons, and drives 
was endured. Next they touched at Zamboan- 
ga on Mindanao Island, the home of the Moros. 
Jolo, the capital of the Sulu Archipelago, far 
into the southern seas, was the turning point 
of the long voyage to the most remote region 
of American dominions. ^^*^ 

On the return northward the Taft party was 
given a glimpse of a tropical forest on Minda- 
nao Island, and they stopped for a few hours 
at Cebu, the ancient seat of government in the 
Philippines, established by Magellan in 1521. 
They touched at Tacloban on the island of 
Leyte; felt their way into the shallow harbor 
of Legaspi near the old Spanish town of Albay ; 
and crossed the phosphorescent bay of Sorso- 

17 



242 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

gon on a " blazing tropic night ' ' when the wake 
of the boat formed "a welt of light". On the 
morning of August 28th the tourists found 
themselves once more inside the Manila break- 
water.^^^ 

After two days spent in listening to argu- 
ments for and against Philippine independence, 
Secretary Taft and his companions boarded the 
United States army transport Logan bound for 
Hongkong, China. From there they steamed 
up Pearl Eiver to visit the squalid city of Can- 
ton. On September 6th the Pacific Mail steam- 
er Korea, with most of the Taft party on board, 
passed out into the China Sea and took her 
course northeastward. She stopped at Amoy 
to take on a cargo of Formosa tea, lay at anchor 
a few hours in the harbor of Shanghai, coaled 
at Nagasaki, picked her way through the en- 
chanting Inland Sea to Kobe, thence to Yoka- 
hama, and then out to the open sea, booming 
along the great circle route to San Francisco, 
back from the East to the West.^^- 



XXVI 

Railroad Regulation 

In every man's life, no matter how versatile 
he may be, there can be discovered some inter- 
est more determinate of the conrse of his 
career than all others, some events so porten- 
tous that they form the guide posts of his con- 
duct, some deeds so important that in contrast 
all other acts seem overshadowed. So it was 
with William P. Hepburn. As a pioneer he 
shared in the great work of building the West; 
he participated in the mighty conflict to pre- 
serve the Union; and he was instrumental in. 
enacting some of the most momentous legisla- 
tion of the twentieth century. But it was his 
work upon the transportation problem that 
constituted his principal achievement and 
earned for him enduring fame. 

AVhen Colonel Hepburn returned to Congress 
in 1893 he was appointed to the Committee on 
Interstate and Foreign Commerce and the 
Committee on Pacific Railroads. For fourteen 
years he was the chairman of the former com- 
mittee, and he served upon the latter until 
1903. It was in connection with the work of 

243 



244 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

these committees that he exerted the influence 
of his convictions on the relation of the govern- 
ment to the railroads. 

The settlement of the United States subsidy 
claims against the Pacific railroads constituted 
a vexed question in the halls of Congress for 
many years, and Hepburn devoted much time 
to the study of the intricate details of the prob- 
lem. The railroad companies, anxious to nego- 
tiate a settlement with the United States, of- 
fered several reasonable refunding schemes 
which were invariably defeated — despite the 
support of the majority of the Committee on 
Pacific Railroads. Some Congressmen were 
opposed to any plan which savored of accom- 
modation to corporations no matter how fair 
the proposition might be. There were others, 
led by the California delegation, who wished to 
force the government to foreclose and become 
the owner of the torso of a non-paying trunk 
road (without terminals or feeders) at a price 
above the value of the line.^'*^ 

Colonel Hepburn consistently advocated the 
adoption of various refunding proposals be- 
cause he thought they offered the best attain- 
able solution of the problem. He had no 
sympathy with the notion that there was no 
obligation to be honest with a corporation.^*^ 
It was proposed in 1897 to w^ithhold the money 
appropriated to pay a government debt of more 



RAILROAD REGULATION 245 

than a million dollars to the Southern Pacific 
Company for transportation and apply the sura 
on the debt of the Central Pacific to the United 
States, on the ground that the owners of the 
Southern Pacific and the Central Pacific were 
practically the same persons. Hepburn pro- 
tested vigorously. ''The whole argument of 
the gentlemen", he said, ''must rest upon the 
fact of the absolute identity of the individual 
atoms composing the corporations. If there is 
one man who is a stockholder in one of the 
roads, and not in the other, then the act pro- 
posed here is a robbery of that man." He re- 
fused to conform his ideas of equity and justice 
to "this highw^ayman's plea" that might makes 
right.345 

Settlement of the Pacific railway claims by 
foreclosure was favored by the Colonel only as 
a last resort. The United States was dealing 
with delinquent debtors, he explained, and held 
inadequate security in the form of second mort- 
gages upon trunk lines without terminals. He 
contended that foreclosure would result in the 
total loss of the government claims, because in 
order to make the security available it would be 
necessary to pay off first mortgages at a cost 
greater than the value of the railroads. Speak- 
ing of such a contingency in connection with 
the Union Pacific, he declared that the govern- 
ment would hold the title to a railroad wortli at 



246 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

the most fifty or sixty million dollars in wliicli 
had been invested more than one hundred and 
sixty-four million dollars. ^^"^ 

Furthermore, the roads acquired by fore- 
closure would have no terminals and very little 
local traffic. Hepburn described the Central 
Pacific as *'a road that starts from no place 
[five miles west of Ogden, Utah] and runs to no 
place [San Jose, California]". Five hundred 
miles of the road crossed the arid plains of 
Nevada and did not ''furnish local traffic 
enough to this road to pay for the oil and waste 
with which the axles are greased. "^^^ 

That foreclosure would be the first step to- 
ward the ownership and operation of "every 
mile of railway in the United States" the 
Colonel had no doubt. He felt safe in sur- 
mising that the Populists and the Congress- 
men from California would be willing to lose 
the entire debt due to the United States if they 
could secure the ownership and operation of 
the Pacific railroads by the government. "I 
have studied that phase of this question", he 
said, and "I do not believe that we are ready to 
go into that experiment." He asserted that 
the "burdensome and costly" undertaking had 
failed in seven States and in every European 
country except Belgium and Hungary. He was 
not willing that the United States should ex- 
pend billions of dollars to purchase the rail- 



RAILROAD REGULATION i>47 

ways of the country and add hundreds of thou- 
sands of names to the list of government 
employees.^^^ 

This ''striking chapter in the history of 
transportation in the United States" was 
closed abruptly and with unexpected felicity 
between 1897 and 1899 when the main Pacific 
railways, creatures of the government and the 
targets of unnumbered debates, paid or amply 
guaranteed to pay the huge sum of principal 
and accumulated interest on the government 
loan. Apprehension lest the government 
claims would be entirely lost subsided and 
dreams of government ownership vanished.^'*'' 

The most potent factor causing the settle- 
ment of the Pacific railway claims was the am- 
bition of Edward H. Harriman to convert the 
various lines into a transcontinental system. 
The Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 had pro- 
hibited cooperation among railroads by making- 
pools and rate agreements illegal. To avoid 
destructive competition the stronger lines 
leased the weaker with the result that at the 
opening of the twentieth century nearly all the 
railroads had been combined to form a few ex- 
tensive systems. The direct effect of consoli- 
dation was a continual rise of freight rates and 
the revival of rebates and discrimination, much 
to the dissatisfaction of the public'^^'^ 

In the midst of the spreading discontent it 



248 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

was discovered that the reg-ulative machinery 
of the government was not adequate to cope 
with the new emergency. In 1896 the Supreme 
Court held that the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission had no power to modify railroad rates ; 
and in the following year the same tribunal 
denied the right of the Commission to establish 
the reasonableness of relative rates between 
competing places, thereby nullifying the "long 
and short haul" clause of the Interstate Com- 
merce Act of 1887. Stripped of its force the 
law was in imperative need of amendment, but 
Congress was engrossed with the Spanish War, 
imperialism, and the isthmian canal. Not until 
President Roosevelt began to brandish the "big 
stick" and preach the "square deal" were 
steps taken to meet the situation.^-' ^ 

In 1903 the Elkins Act passed Congress with 
remarkable celerity. According to the terms of 
that law, common carriers were confined strict- 
ly to published rates; discrimination could be 
restrained by injunction; shippers were made 
liable to prosecution; and the penalty of im- 
prisonment was revoked. Framed in "conso- 
nance and in harmony" with oft-repeated rec- 
ommendations of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission, the bill was good though "possibly 
not the best", said Hepburn in support of the 
measure. During sixteen years there had not 
been a single conviction for discrimination or 



RAILROAD REGULATION 249 

rebating, simply because ''the community of 
kindly feeling" among the malefactors com- 
bined with the penalty of imprisonment pre- 
vented one member of the group from testify- 
ing against his fellows. The Colonel believed 
that the Elkins Act would stop discrimination, 
and if that could be accomplished most of the 
evils would "cease to exist. "^^^ 

While the Elkins law helped to stabilize rates 
for the time being it Avas scarcely more than ''a 
truce of the principals to abolish piracy." 
During the second session of the Fifty-eighth 
Congress the Cooper-Quarles bill to define the 
powers and duties of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission received some attention, but no 
definite action was taken. Meanwhile the pnl)lic 
demand for general remedial legislation was 
becoming more urgent. Manifestly something 
had to be done to guarantee reasonable rates 
to all shippers and to smash the system where- 
by enormous industrial monopolies were cre- 
ated by gross favoritism in transportation 
through the operation of rebates, drawbacks, 
terminal facilities, and private car lines.-'"^" 

The situation was brought to a crisis by 
President Roosevelt's declaration in his annual 
message to Congress in December, 1904, that it 
w^as "necessary to put a complete stop to all 
rebates" and that "the most important legis- 
lative act" then needed was a law conferring 



250 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

upon the Interstate Commerce Commission 
**tlie power to revise rates and regulations, 
[when a particular rate was challenged and 
found to be unreasonable] the revised rate to at 
once go into effect, and to stay in effect unless 
and until the court of review reverses it." 
"That message", wrote Colonel Hepburn, 
"changed the question of rate making by the 
Commission from an academic one to a very 
actual one. No matter what might be said ab- 
stractly against the policy of Governmental in- 
terference, or about the rights of property 
under the theory of the Constitution the matter 
had to be treated as one of those well nigh uni- 
versal demands where the interests of the peo- 
ple overshadowed all mere ethical discussion 
and policy." The Colonel was "satisfied that, 
although, perhaps Government interference 
might not be best, and that some rights of cor- 
porations might, perhaps, be invaded, yet con- 
trol was to come, and was to be the Govern- 
mental policy. "^'^^ 

The third session of the Fifty-eighth Con- 
gress had scarcely begun before the House 
Committee on Interstate and Foreign Com- 
merce commenced to conduct hearings on rail- 
road regulation ; it devoted the following tw^o 
months almost entirely to the consideration of 
that subject. An enormous amount of evidence 
was submitted by representatives of railroads, 



RAILROAD REGULATION 251 

mercantile associations, and producers, all of it 
essentially selfish tliongli usually screened be- 
hind an apparent solicitude for the public wel- 
fare. With remarkable dexterity, however, the 
members of the Committee, and particularly 
Chairman Hepburn, succeeded in stripping- the 
masks of sincerity from the witnesses and in 
revealing their real motives.^' ^ 

Before the end of January, 1905, no less than 
twenty-three bills to increase the powers of the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, to expedite 
its action, and to provide for judicial review of 
its orders had been considered by the Com- 
mittee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. 
The Cooper-Quarles bill still had a few friends. 
Two supplementary bills introduced by John J. 
Esch and Charles E. Townsend were supposed 
to enjoy Presidential favor. Robert C. Davey 
had framed a measure embodying the ideas of 
several Democratic Congressmen, and William 
R. Hearst was the author and chief advocate of 
a bill of his own.^^*' 

Meanwhile Colonel Hepburn was '' quietly at 
work .... trying to evolve a legislative 
scheme that would meet the demands of the 
people ; that would be effective in its operation, 
and that would not be detrimental to public in- 
terests." With the assistance of Attorney 
General William H. Moody he incorporated his 
views in a bill that was introduced in the House 



252 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

of Representatives on January 21, 1905.^^'^ 
Tlie Hepburn bill provided that a new Inter- 
state Commerce Commission composed of seven 
members with salaries of ten thousand dollars 
a year should be established and invested with 
power to fix reasonable rates that would be- 
come effective within sixty days. The orders 
of the Commission were subject to review by a 
Court of Commerce to be composed of five cir- 
cuit judges sitting as a court of equity. Pend- 
ing judicial review the orders of the Commis- 
sion might be suspended if they seemed unjust 
to the court, and in that event the railroads 
were required to give a bond to cover all dam- 
ages to shippers caused by the delay. 

The provisions of the Hepburn bill excited 
comment throughout the country, for it was 
generally known that the measure had been 
framed with the cooperation of the President, 
the Attorney General, and railroad experts — 
particularly J. W. Blythe, general solicitor for 
the Burlington railroad and political dictator 
in southern Iowa. The sanction of the Presi- 
dent raised one presumption, but the "circum- 
stances attending the birth of the measure" 
raised another in the mind of the Washington 
correspondent for the Chicago Record-Herald. 
The Chicago Tribune declared that the bill had 
''all the earmarks of a measure created by a 
corporation attorney" purely in the interests of 



RAILROAD REGULATION 253 

the railroads.3-58 There were newspaper editors 
like George D. Perkins of the Sioux City Jour- 
nal, however, who realized that there were two 
sides to the rate question and that the object 
of legislation was not to penalize the railroads 
but to secure justice between shippers and car- 
riers. If Hepburn, seeking to obtain the best 
ideas on the subject, closeted himself with rep- 
resentatives of the railroads on the assumption 
that they might know something about rate 
making, this was to his credit. The Phila- 
delphia Press pronounced the bill to be a fair, 
rational, practical, and constitutional scheme of 
protecting the property rights of railroads and 
at the same time affording relief from unfair 
rates. "There is every reason to believe that 
Congressman Plepburn has proposed a law 
which will answer the needs of the hour, and in 
doing so has performed a distinct and signal 
service for the people" was the opinion ex- 
pressed in the Burlington Haivh-Eye.^'"^ 

Prejudice, however, gave currency to the sus- 
picion that there was a joker somewhere in the 
bill. The notion that Hepburn was not in sym- 
pathy with President Roosevelt's program of 
railroad regulation seems to have been preva- 
lent. Henry Wallace — who had addressed 
several open letters to W. P. Hepburn demand- 
ing that he stop ''talking wisely of the intricacy 
of the transportation question, of the danger of 



254 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

placing so mucli power in tlie hands of the com- 
mission, of the doubt whether such a law would 
be constitutional, of the necessity of acting with 
caution" and report a measure in accord with 
the President's message — attacked the Hep- 
burn bill with candid opposition. Associations 
of manufacturers and producers likewise pro- 
tested, chiefly perhaps because they had favored 
the Cooper-Quarles bill and were reluctant to 
have it displaced. Governor Cummins was so 
prominent in criticizing the bill that the New 
York Press concluded that a ''cyclone of popu- 
lar wrath" had been raised in the West which 
would demand "that the perfidious lowan side- 
track his obstruction to the Presidential train, 
for which the people have ordered the right-of- 
way."-^«« 

Among the members of the Committee on 
Interstate and Foreign Commerce there was 
disagreement over the provisions of the pro- 
posed rate law. The six Democrats were 
pledged to support either the Davey or Hearst 
bill ; Mr. Esch and Mr. Townsend stood by their 
own bills with the added endorsement of Mr. 
Lovering ; while only eight Republicans — one 
less than a majority — could be mustered in 
favor of the Hepburn bill. In that emergency, 
Chairman Hepburn, anxious to obtain legisla- 
tion on the subject and desirous of protecting 
his committee from the taunts "of every scrib- 



RAILROAD REGULATION 255 

blor who wanted sensational headlines", pro- 
posed that the Esch l)ill which enlaro-ed the 
powers of the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
sion and the Townsend bill which established a 
court of transportation should be combined 
and supplemented with a few amendments sn,i>-- 
gested by himself. After consultations with 
President Roosevelt the resultant Esch-Town- 
send bill was reported on January 31, 1905, and, 
the Colonel having whipped several obstinate 
Congressmen into harmony, it passed the 
House nine days later by a vote of three hun- 
dred and twenty-six to seventeen. In spite of 
that remarkable vote the Esch-Townsend bill 
was promptly killed in the Senate by the adop- 
tion of a resolution for an elaborate investiga- 
tion of railroad regulation that consumed the 
greater part of the ensuing spring and sum- 

The feature of the four-da}^ 's debate in the 
House was the closing speech by Colonel Hep- 
burn. To an audience that filled the floor and 
galleries he spoke for more than an hour in a 
manner acknowledged by his opponents to be 
masterly. One newspaper correspondent seems 
to have expressed the consensus of opinion 
when he wrote that the speech was "the most 
complete and eloquent exposition of the aims of 
the president and the republican party in the 
direction of interstate commerce reform that 



256 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

was ever made on the floor of the house of 
representatives. ' ' ^^^ 

Some of the Colonel's critics were gracious 
enough to admit that his action in supporting 
the Esch-Townsend bill was manly and fair. 
Several members of the Committee on Inter- 
state and Foreign Commerce also took occasion 
during the debate to express the opinion that 
"no man could have been fairer or more con- 
siderate, more conscientious in his efforts to 
get at the truth and then to enact into law the 
best bill that could be prepared" than "the dis- 
tinguished chairman" of the Committee, Hon. 
W. P. Hepburn, who "should be awarded the 
honor for whatever of benefit" the Esch-Town- 
send bill might accomplish.^*^-^ 

There were some faultfinders, however, who 
could not believe that Colonel Hepburn was 
capable of honest conduct. A report that some 
fanatics in Cass County, Iowa, had hanged him 
in effigy was given wide publicity, and for the 
first time during the eighteen years he had 
been a member of the House of Representatives 
the Colonel was compelled to "obtrude a mat- 
ter of personal interest" into the proceedings. 
Hitherto when criticised he had borne it and 
when slandered he had submitted to it, content 
that his acts should answer the libels of those 
who traduced him. For years he had been 
hounded "as a railroad attorney and as one 



RAILROAD REGULATION 257 

ready to respond to demands of corporate in- 
fluence", yet he could truthfully say that he had 
helped to prepare, advocated, and voted for 
''every shred of legislation" on the subject of 
railroad control except the inconsequential 
amendments of the Interstate Commerce Act 
adopted in 1889 when he was not in Con- 
gress.^^^ 

On the morning of February 11th the mem- 
bers of the Committee on Interstate and For- 
eign Commerce presented to Chairman Hep- 
burn a splendid silver loving cup as a ''slight 
token of their heartfelt esteem." Speaker 
Joseph G. Cannon dignified the occasion by his 
presence, while Republicans and Democrats 
alike praised the "statesmanship and tact" of 
their "honored chairman" without reserva- 
tion. It was Robert C. Davey who addressed 
these words to Colonel Hepburn: "we admire 
you for your strict integrity and we honor you 
for your manhood ; and in reply to some of the 
charges we have seen published, this presenta- 
tion is our answer." "This testimonial", said 
Hepburn as he accepted the gift of his col- 
leagues, "coming to me at this moment, it seems 
to me as an answer, from the men who know me 
best, and w^ho have been the closest observers 
of that which I have been striving to do, and 
that which we all regard as being for the public 
interest, is gratifying beyond conception. "^"^^ 

18 



258 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Meanwhile, disgruntled farmers in the 
eighth Iowa district, who, it was alleged, al- 
lowed the editor of Wallaces' Farmer to think 
for them, were becoming more persistent in 
their criticism of Colonel Hepburn. Many 
years before, while engaged in the military ser- 
vice of the country, he had written: "To per- 
sons of sensitive temperament a sense of abuse 
is more galling than any other feeling, and we 
can more easily forget any other offense 
against us, than that our motives have been 
misconstrued, and our best intentions cherished 
to our prejudice." So now when a letter came 
describing the critical situation at home and 
announcing that Henry Wallace would address 
a farmers' institute at Corning on February 23, 
1905, Hepburn immediately telegraphed to Wal- 
lace that he would be there also. At the ap- 
pointed time and place there was staged ''one 
of the most sensational incidents" in the polit- 
ical history of low^a as well as the most 
dramatic episode in Hepburn's career.^'^'^ 

The opera house in Corning was filled wdth a 
thousand voters when Henry Wallace was in- 
troduced as the leading advocate of railroad 
rate reform. It was in May, 1904, at a meeting 
of live-stock men in Denver, he said, that he 
had first heard of the opposition of the chair- 
man of the House Committee on Interstate and 
Foreign Commerce to railroad reg-ulation. Not 



RAILROAD REGULATION 1)59 

willing to believe that rumor be bad made a 
personal investigation and bad found evidence 
in committee bearings which satisfied him that 
Hepburn regarded railroads as private prop- 
erty contrary to the grange decisions of tlie 
Supreme Court. Some correspondence bad en- 
sued between himself and the Colonel which 
seemed to be convincing proof of Hepburn's 
friendship for the railroads. These letters Mr. 
Wallace read to the farmers in Corning, and 
after recounting the grievances of the people 
against the trusts and the railroads he ex- 
claimed amid vociferous applause, ''We want 
just what the president wants. "^'^' 

"It is a great pleasure to me to be able to be 
here to-day", said Colonel Hepburn a few min- 
utes later, because he knew that "prominent 
among those" who had attempted to prejudice 
the farmers against their representatives in 
Congress was tlie gentleman who had just 
spoken. "I have been charged," he continued, 
"with abandonment of your interests and pur- 
suing the interests of other men whose interests 
were at war with yours .... and I want 
to remind my brother Wallace that 19 years 
ago he was making the same charges against 
me." The Colonel then related the long and 
honorable record of his participation in the en- 
actment of legislation to control the railroads. 
He admitted that he had refrained from declar- 



260 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ing his purpose in advance of important hear- 
ings the previous summer. ''What would you 
think of a man", he asked, "charged with a 
duty to hear and then to determine, who would 
announce beforehand, before he had heard, be- 
fore witnesses had testified, as to what his 
judgment was?" 

The most difficult feature of the rate ques- 
tion, Hepburn explained, was to find some 
means of expediting litigation. "Some gentle- 
men say, why don't you make this rate [fixed 
by the Interstate Commerce Commission] go 
into effect and keep it in effect beyond the reach 
of the courts. You cannot do it ... . The 
constitution provides that all men shall have 
the equal protection of the laws ; that property 
shall not be taken for public uses without com- 
pensation; that all men shall be secure in their 
property. The courts have their powers and 
their rights fixed by the constitution, among 
them the power to issue an injunction when any 
citizen complains that he is about to suffer ir- 
remediable w^rong. " With those legal difficul- 
ties in mind and with the endorsement of many 
prominent men, Hepburn had framed his bill 
providing for a Court of Commerce, yet he had 
heard that it did not "meet the approval of the 
governor" of Iowa. 

Reluctantly he told how he had prepared his 
bill, how he had conferred frequently with the 



RAILROAD REGULATION 261 

President and Cabinet members, how the Attor- 
ney General had couched the measure in legal 
phraseology, how the compromise had been ne- 
gotiated in the committee, and finally how he 
himself had forced the Esch-Townsend bill 
through the Plouse of Representatives. It was 
not pleasant, he said, to speak as he had done 
*' because of the seeming egotism", but he 
wanted to read a letter from Attorney General 
William H. Moody. This letter verified in 
every particular the account of the passage of 
the rate bill as Hepburn had just related, and 
closed with the statement: "At all times I take 
pleasure in saying, you have exhibited an ear- 
nest desire to deal with this important subject 
in a way which would conform with the letter 
and the spirit of the president's recommenda- 
tion." 

Moreover, the Attorney General had submit- 
ted the letter to President Roosevelt who added 
his own endorsement. "I cordially concur in 
the above", the President wrote, *'Col. Hep- 
burn — like senators Allison and Dolliver — 
has aided in every possible way in this rate 
bill; and when it seemed possible to expedite 
by dropping his own measure, and pushing the 
Townsend-Esch measure, which achieved sub- 
stantially the same result, he at once followed 
this course. We have all been after the same 
result ; and I am very certain we will in the end 



262 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

achieve it, from the very fact that we are 
striving- in the spirit Col. Hepburn has shown 
in this affair, a spirit which is concerned with 
getting the substance and which is therefore 
entirely willing to make concessions on unim- 
portant differences of detail." 

The effect of such confirmation of the Colo- 
nel's good faith was electrical. "Read it 
again!" yelled a farmer after the applause had 
subsided. Hepburn read the letters again and 
once more the audience cheered. Immediately 
the vindication of "Pete" Hepburn became the 
most absorbing topic of discussion. Every- 
where it was conceded that he had confounded 
his critics. Those who had been made sus- 
picious by misrepresentations were compelled 
to admit that "the aspersions upon his char- 
acter in connection with the railroad rate legis- 
lation" were "base and unfounded calumnies". 
In spite of the bitter denunciations exchanged 
by Hepburn and Wallace the two men ate din- 
ner together. It was characteristic of the 
Colonel that he should speak invectively with- 
out the slightest malice.-'"''^ 

During the summer of 1905 the congestion of 
railroads, the insurance investigation in New 
York, the Pennsylvania coal car scandal, the 
Atchison rebate disclosures, and the exposure 
of the outrageous publicity campaign methods 
of the railroads brought public opinion to the 



RAILROAD REGULATION 263 

boiling point on the transportation question. 
In Iowa the leaders of the so-called progressive 
faction of the Republican party, who delighted 
to call their policies Rooseveltian, stirred up no 
end of discontent. Hepburn advised the farm- 
ers to "unhorse Governor Cummins and Henry 
Wallace, and other political gentry" and de- 
vote their efforts to aiding in the enforcement 
of the law. Zealous speeches he said would not 
diminish the evils from which society suffered ; 
but if the agitators would take the trouble to 
lay a specific case before the Federal authori- 
ties much good might be accomplished.^*^^ 

Railroad rate legislation, declared President 
Roosevelt in his annual message to Congress on 
December 5, 1905, was the most urgent prob- 
lem then confronting the national legislators. 
In his judgment it was imperative that Federal 
legislation should be enacted which would con- 
fer upon an "unequivocally administrative" 
body the power to decide upon reasonable max- 
imum rates in particular cases of complaint, 
those rates to go into effect within a reasonable 
time and remain in force subject to review by 
the courts. The illegality of discriminating 
concessions such as free passes, reduced pas- 
senger rates, or fictitious damages should be 
explicitly reasserted; but rate agreements be- 
tween railroads, if in the interest of the public, 
ought to be permitted. He recommended that 



264 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

private-car lines, industrial roads, and refrig- 
eration charges should be brought within the 
jurisdiction of the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission, or a similar body, and suggested that 
publicity of accounts should be required of all 
common carriers. ^^"^ 

When Congress convened on January 4, 1906, 
after the holiday recess, William P. Hepburn 
introduced a rate bill which was acknowledged 
to be framed in accordance with the President's 
program. ^"^^ The measure was in the form of 
amendments to the Interstate Commerce Act of 
1887. Transportation was redefined to include 
private-car lines and terminal services. All 
''unjust and unreasonable" transportation 
charges were declared to be unlawful, and dis- 
crimination "under substantially similar cir- 
cumstances" was prohibited in the identical 
terms of the original act. "Midnight tariffs" 
were abolished by a provision that no schedule 
could be changed without thirty days' notice. 
The Interstate Commerce Commission was 
given power to establish "just and reasonable 
and fairly remunerative" maximum rates, 
which were to take effect thirty days after no- 
tice and remain in force until suspended or 
modified by the Commission or a court of com- 
petent jurisdiction. The Commission was also 
empowered to decide reasonable charges for 
private cars, and to determine the division of 



RAILROAD REGULATION 265 

rates on tliroiigh routes if the carriers could not 
agree. For violating the orders of the Commis- 
sion, which were to be enforced in the Circuit 
Courts, the penalty was a tine of five thousand 
dollars. To hasten litigation the Expediting 
Act of 1903 was made applicable to rate cases 
before the Circuit Courts, and appeals lay di- 
rectly to the Supreme Court but did not vacate 
or suspend the order from which the appeal was 
taken. Furthermore, the Commission was 
given authority to require reports from all 
common carriers and prescribe the method of 
accounting, the records to be accessible to the 
Commission at all times. The number of Inter- 
state Commerce Commissioners was increased 
to nine, their tenure of office extended to nine 
years, and their annual salary fixed at ten thou- 
sand dollars. ^'^- 

Although seventeen railroad rate bills had 
been introduced in the House of Representa- 
tives it was generally conceded that the Hep- 
burn bill would be the basis for the measure 
eventually reported by the Committee on Inter- 
state and Foreign Commerce. It was no sur- 
prise, therefore, w^hen on January 10th the Re- 
publican members of the Committee agreed to 
support the Hepburn bill with a few changes, 
most of which were suggested by Representa- 
tive Townsend and related to judicial pro- 
cedure. That the discussion in the Committee 



266 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

might be based upon a measure which would 
command the approval of the majority, Chair- 
man Hepburn introduced a new bill on the fol- 
lowing day with the caucus amendments incor- 
porated. After the caucus bill had been debated 
in detail and altered in several particulars 
Hepburn introduced a third bill which included 
the amendments proposed in the Committee. 
It was this bill, perhaps ''the most important 
piece of economic legislation" that had been at- 
tempted in many years, which Colonel Hepburn 
had the notable honor to report to the House on 
January 27th with the recommendation of 
"every member of the committee ".^'^ 

The Hepburn rate bill in its final form did not 
differ materially from the first draft. The lan- 
guage was more specific in several places, the 
definition of railroads was broadened, an 
amendment proposed by the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission was inserted, the number of 
Commissioners was reduced from nine to seven 
with a term of seven years, and railroad rate 
litigation was given priority in the Supreme 
Court over all except criminal cases. ^"^ 

Although consideration of the bill on the 
floor of the House revealed some differences of 
opinion on particular phases of rate regulation 
no serious opposition developed. In truth the 
sentiment was so overwhelmingly favorable 
and the bursts of oratory so frequent and elo- 



RAILROAD REGULATION 267 

quent that the New York World was moved to 
comment sarcastically: "The Hepburn bill is 
more than legislation; it is a prose-poem. It 
mounts to the Senate on wings of song."^"^ 

Nevertheless it became apparent from the de- 
bate in the House that several provisions of the 
bill were somewhat ambiguous. Indeed, the 
New York World, which favored radical rate 
legislation, called the whole measure ''a half- 
baked hodge-podge of uncertain phrases". 
Representative Townsend, who opened the de- 
bate, was sure that express companies would be 
under the surveillance of the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission, but the author of the bill, 
who closed the debate, was equally certain that 
they would not. An amendment to specifically 
include express companies resulted in a tie vote 
and the proposition was defeated on a division 
with tellers. Similar amendments to define 
telephone, telegraph, and sleeping-car compa- 
nies as common carriers were decisively re- 
jected. A proposal to establish uniform freight 
classifications was summarily voted down; 
while an amendment to abolish free passes was 
defeated by a vote of one hundred and eleven 
to one hundred and forty-seven. Efforts were 
made to modify the section relating to judicial 
review, to clothe the Commission with authority 
to regulate differential rates between competing 
places and commodities, and to initiate investi- 



268 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

gations of rates upon its own motion — all 
without avail. On February 8, 1906, the Hep- 
burn rate bill passed the House unamended 
with only seven dissenting votes.^"^ 

In the Senate the proposed law was destined 
to encounter powerful opposition. Eight mem- 
bers of the Committee on Interstate Commerce, 
including all five Democrats, Jonathan P. Dol- 
liver, Shelby M. Cullom, and Moses E. Clapp, 
favored the policy of regulation embodied in the 
Hepburn bill, but the chairman of the Com- 
mittee, Stephen B. Elkins, together with Nelson 
W. Aldrich and Joseph B. Foraker, constituted 
a formidable ultra-conservative trio who were 
determined to defeat the measure. All attempts 
to destroy the effectiveness of the bill by 
amendments in the Committee were successfully 
thwarted, but the lack of harmony among the 
proponents of rate legislation precluded the 
possibility of putting the measure into accep- 
table form in the Committee according to cus- 
tom. Consequently the conservatives, probably 
for the purpose of discrediting and eventually 
defeating the bill, cleverly accomplished the 
anomaly of reporting this administration meas- 
ure unaltered to run the gauntlet of unlimited 
Senatorial debate under the sponsorship of 
Benjamin R. Tillman, a member of the minority 
party and a bitter adversary of President 
Roosevelt. This unprecedented action, how- 



RAILROAD REGULATION 269 

ever, served to empliasize the nonpartisan 
character of rate legislation and resulted in one 
of the most brilliant and able debates ever 
heard in the United States Senate.=^' ' 

The definition of common carriers, differen- 
tial rates, and free passes were all but neg- 
lected by the Senators in their anxiety to 
determine the precise scope of judicial review 
of the decisions of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission. It was admitted that rate-making 
power might be granted to an administrative 
body, but it was equally obvious that an abso- 
lute denial of the right of judicial review would 
be unconstitutional. To confer broad powers 
of review upon the courts, however, might 
frustrate the rate-making function of the Com- 
mission. The simplest plan would have been 
to leave the bill as Hepburn framed it, without 
prescribing the exact jurisdiction of the courts 
and relying upon the constitutional guarantee 
of the protection of property by due process of 
law to safeguard the right of judicial review. 
There were some Senators, however, who in- 
sisted that judicial review should be specifically 
limited ; while others, influenced perhaps by one 
of the most powerful lobbies ever maintained in 
the national capital, demanded that the courts 
should be unrestricted in their power to review 
the rate-making acts of the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission.^'^^ 



270 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

During March and April the Senate chamber 
resounded vnth profound legal arguments on 
the subject of government rate-making. The 
debate was opened on February 28th by Sen- 
ator Foraker who delivered the principal 
speech in opposition. He declared that the 
Hepburn bill was "so contrary to the spirit of 
our institutions and of such drastic and revo- 
lutionary character" that the consequences 
would be "most unusual and far-reaching." 
The existing law, properly amended and en- 
forced, he contended, would remedy the evils of 
excessive rates, rebates, and discriminations. 
The "general supervision by a political board, 
appointed by the President, of a business so 
tremendous as to be practically incomprehen- 
sible, and so complicated and difficult in its 
character as to be almost beyond the power of 
human intellect to master it, with authority to 
change rates with the stroke of a pen" and to 
act as "legislator, prosecutor, judge, jury, and 
marshal, all combined", he exclaimed, "would 
be alarming if its utter unconstitutionality were 
not as apparent as its unreasonableness."^'''^ 

On the following day, when the floor and gal- 
leries of the Senate chamber were crowded to 
overflowing. Senator Dolliver held the attention 
of his auditors for more than two hours in an 
equally able and brilliant defense of the Hep- 
burn bill. Between his unqualified approval of 



RAILROAD REGULATION 271 

the measure and the avowed hostility of Sen- 
ator Foraker there were many shades of 
opinion. A multitude of amendments were 
introduced representing the numerous diverse 
views on all phases of the rate problem, but 
it remained for Senator Allison to formulate 
an acceptable compromise on the question of 
judicial review. Finally, on the eighteenth of 
May, the Hepburn rate bill, amended in more 
than fifty particulars, passed the Senate by a 
vote of seventy-one to three. ^^" 

While the Allison amendment affirmatively 
empowered the circuit courts to "enjoin, set 
aside, annul, or suspend any order" of the 
Commission, it did not specify the grounds on 
which such a decision could be based. The con- 
servatives interpreted the clause to confer un- 
limited powers of judicial review, thereby ma- 
terially circumscribing the powers of the Com- 
mission; while President Roosevelt, who advo- 
cated liberal rate-fixing authority for the Com- 
mission, declared that the amendment ' ' did not, 
as a matter of fact, work any change in the bill 
at all." Consequently the question of judicial 
review was left *4n the fogbank where Hep- 
burn" placed it, capable of any convenient 
interpretation until the courts should establish 
a precedent.^^^ 

Although most of the Senate amendments 
were only technical changes, some of them were 



272 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

of tremendous importance. In addition to the 
court review amendment, common carriers were 
defined to include pipe lines, sleeping-car com- 
panies, and express companies. Free passenger 
transportation (with many exceptions) was pro- 
hibited. A ''Jim Crow" amendment was de- 
signed to secure equal service for equal fare. 
Railroads could be compelled to install switches 
for shippers. Common carriers were forbidden 
to transport their own commodities except tim- 
ber and timber products. The words ''fairly re- 
munerative ' ' and ' ' in its judgment ' ' as applied 
to rates fixed by the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission were stricken out — amendments of 
vital importance to the determination of what 
constituted "just and reasonable" rates. Dis- 
crimination and rebating were made criminal 
offenses punishable by imprisonment. Orders 
of the Commission were to take effect within a 
reasonable stated time (not less than thirty 
days) and remain operative not longer than two 
years. No injunctions restraining the orders 
of the Commission could be granted without 
five days' notice to the Commission, and ap- 
peals from such orders lay directly to the 
Supreme Court. The Senate also struck out 
the section increasing the size and salary of the 
Interstate Commerce Commission. ^^- 

On May 25th the House of Representatives 
disagreed to the Senate amendments and W. P. 



RAILROAD REGULATION 273 

Hepburn, J. S. Slierman, and William Richard- 
son were appointed to confer with Senators 
Tillman, Elkins, and Cullom in an effort to 
reach an agreement. As a result nearly all of 
the Senate amendments were accepted by the 
House conferees, but not without some impor- 
tant modifications. The conference committee 
recommended that sleeping-car companies 
should not be deemed common carriers, that 
free passenger transportation should be pro- 
hibited absolutely, that common carriers should 
not be permitted to transport any of their own 
products, that the provision for compulsory in- 
stallation of switches should be broadened to 
accommodate lateral and branch railroads as 
well as shippers, that the Senate should recede 
from the "Jim Crow" amendment, and that the 
original provision for increasing the size and 
salary of the Interstate Commerce Commission 
should be restored. ^^^ 

This report caused a storm of protest in the 
Senate. The members of the conference com- 
mittee were charged with having exceeded their 
authority by inserting new legislation into the 
bill. The ''Jim Crow" amendment was de- 
fended, and absolute prohibition of free pas- 
senger transportation was emphatically con- 
demned. Indeed, the proposed anti-pass clause 
raised a veritable tempest throughout the coun- 
try. Congressmen were deluged with telegrams 

19 



274 AVILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

and letters pleading for a less stringent provi- 
sion. An "army of railway employees" ap- 
pealed to President Roosevelt in the name of 
"common justice" to defeat tins most "ob- 
noxious piece of legislation ever proposed by 
Congress". On June 7tli tlie Senate rejected 
the report of the committee of conference, in- 
sisted upon its amendments, and requested a 
further conference with the House of Repre- 
sentatives.^^^ 

In the second conference the principal points 
of disagreement were on free passes and the 
commodity clause. The House conferees agreed 
that sleeping-car companies should be included 
as common carriers but that only railroads 
should be forbidden to transport their own 
products except timber, thus permitting oil 
companies to own their own pipe lines. The 
anti-pass provision was restated to prohibit 
free transportation only to national, State, and 
local officials, except those in the postal service. 
On all other Senate amendments the decision 
reached in the first conference w^as practically 
retained.-''^ ^ 

Although the second conference report was 
"railroaded" through the House with almost 
no debate, serious objection to the revised anti- 
pass and commodity clauses was encountered 
in the Senate, and on June 26th the bill was 
again returned to conference. The anti-pass 



RAILROAD REGULATION 



li/0 



clause was redrafted along the lines of the 
original Senate amendment, broadly prohibit- 
ing free interstate passenger transportation 
and enumerating all classes of people who 
would be entitled to free transportation. The 
words ''railroad company" (the legal entity) 
were substituted for ''railroad" in the com- 
modity clause. This report was adopted by 
both branches of Congress and on June 29, 
1906, the bill was approved by President 
Roosevelt.-''^*' 

The passage of the Hepburn rate bill was 
hailed as an event of no little importance in 
American history. By some economists it was 
regarded as the greatest achievement in the 
public career of President Roosevelt. In the 
face of determined opposition the President 
and his supporters in Congress secured a far 
more radical measure than they had any reason 
to expect. To Colonel Hepburn must be 
ascribed the credit for framing the bill, for 
sending it to the Senate with all but unanimous 
endorsement by the House, and for securing in 
conference the best of the Senate amendments. 
His whole record on railroad regulation is 
characterized by honesty, sincerity, and fair 
dealina: with all interests.-''*^ 



XXVII 

PuEE Food 

Almost simultaneously with the enactment of 
the railroad rate bill another scarcely less im- 
portant measure, of which William P, Hepburn 
was joint author and chief advocate, became a 
law. The shocking revelation of unsanitary 
conditions in meat packing- houses and the ne- 
farious practices of other food manufacturers 
caused such a popular revulsion during the 
spring of 1906 that the long struggle for na- 
tional pure food legislation suddenly termi- 
nated on June 30th when President Roosevelt 
signed the Pure Food and Drug Act. 

The history of national pure food legislation 
is replete with the name of William P. Hep- 
burn. As early as 1886 he had espoused the 
cause of pure food by favoring the branding 
and taxation of oleomargarine. ^^^ From that 
time until 1906 propositions to prevent mis- 
branding or the fraudulent and deleterious 
adulteration of food were almost constantly be- 
fore Congress. Pour bills of that character 
were introduced by Colonel Hepburn. More- 
over, as chairman of the Committee on Inter- 

276 



PURE FOOD 277 

state and Foreign Commerce, he exerted a 
powerful influence toward eradicating the evils 
of food adulteration by conducting extensive 
hearings and promoting the adoption of vari- 
ous pure food measures that seemed to possess 
merit.^^^ 

In the first session of the Fifty-sixth Con- 
gress the House Committee on Interstate and 
Foreign Commerce reported favorably on two 
pure food measures. One was designed to re- 
strict the adulteration of food and the other 
was to prevent false branding of food and dairy 
products as to the State in which they were 
produced. Neither bill received any further 
consideration in that Congress. During the 
first session of the Fifty-seventh Congress, 
however, James S. Sherman again introduced 
his bill to prevent misbranding as to locality, 
and it became a law on July 1, 1902. Colonel 
Hepburn acted as chairman of the House com- 
mittee of conference upon the Senate amend- 
ments to this bill.-'^*'^' 

During the first session of the Fifty-seventh 
Congress a bill was introduced by Colonel Hep- 
burn to prevent the ''adulteration, misbrand- 
ing, and imitation of foods, beverages, candies, 
drugs, and condiments" by regulating the in- 
terstate traffic therein, and the Committee on 
Interstate and Foreign Commerce reported it 
favorably on April 2, 1902, pronouncing the 



278 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

measure to be neither "drastic nor unreason- 
able". The object was not to prohibit the man- 
ufacture or sale of harmlessly adulterated food 
or drugs but to provide that all adulterated 
food and drugs should be placed on the market 
"under their true names and in such manner as 
to advise the purchaser" of what he was buy- 
ing. The bill proposed to organize a Bureau of 
Chemistr}' in the Department of Agriculture 
for the purpose of analyzing food offered for 
sale in a State other than the one in which it 
was produced; the terms "drugs", "foods", 
"misbranded", and "adulteration" were de- 
fined; a penalty was prescribed for the ship- 
ment of any adulterated or misbranded food or 
drug in interstate or foreign commerce; and 
prosecution was to be initiated by the Secre- 
tary of Agriculture through the United States 
district courts. ^"^^^ 

Early in the second session of the Fifty- 
seventh Congress the pure food bill was made a 
special order. In closing the debate Colonel 
Hepburn disclaimed the authorship of the 
measure, saying that it had been prepared by a 
committee appointed by the National Pure 
Food and Drug Congress. He w^as satisfied 
that the bill was not perfect — it was not as 
drastic as he would have drawn it — but he be- 
lieved it was the best legislation that could be 
obtained. The establishment of proper stand- 



PURE FOOD 279 

ards by the national government, lie thought, 
would not only prevent harmful adulteration 
and the fraudulent sale of a cheap, impure arti- 
cle at the price of a perfect article, but it would 
set a standard of uniformity to be followed by 
the States.^'^- 

The bill passed the House on December 19, 
1902, and on the eighth of January, 1903, the 
Senate Committee on Manufactures reported a 
substitute which was substantially the same, 
with the sections providing for the organization 
of a Bureau of Chemistry and the establishment 
of food standards by the Department of Agri- 
culture eliminated. Although the pure food bill 
was first on the Senate calendar for nearly a 
year and commanded more public interest than 
any other pending legislation, it was impossible, 
despite desperate efforts, to obtain further 
hearing on the subject. On the day before the 
final adjournment of the Fifty-seventh Con- 
gress the Senate refused by a vote of twenty- 
eight to thirty-two to consider the proposed 
legislation.^^^ 

Hepburn re-introduced his pure food bill in 
November, 1903, during the special session of 
Congress, but it was not reported to the House. 
On December 8, 1903, he again introduced a 
pure food bill which was reported on January 
18, 1904, and on the following day he obtained 
immediate consideration of the bill. William 



280 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

C. Adamson, who led the opposition, objected 
to national pure food legislation because he 
thought it was paternalistic and ''utterly un- 
necessary". Other Congressmen, like Champ 
Clark, favored pure food legislation, but they 
believed that the Hepburn bill was too drastic. 
One of the chief criticisms was that honest 
dealers might be punished for unintentionally 
violating the law. To this Hepburn replied 
that it was the best pure food bill ever pre- 
sented to Congress and he would do all in his 
power to pass a law which would punish those 
who were "preying upon the health and the 
lives of the people of the United States." He 
was unable, however, to prevent the Committee 
of the Whole from adopting an amendment to 
limit prosecution to "willful" violators, which 
would have practically prevented convictions 
and made the law inoperative. After the Com- 
mittee of the Whole had recommended that the 
House pass the bill as amended Hepburn pro- 
posed that the provisions in the original bill be 
restored, and the "willful" amendment was 
eliminated on a yea and nay vote of one hun- 
dred and forty-five to one hundred and twenty- 
six. Immediately afterward the bill passed the 
House by a vote of two hundred and one to 
sixty-eight.^^^ 

In the Senate the McCumber pure food bill, 
embodj'ing essentially the same provisions ex- 



PURE FOOD 281 

cept the creation of a new Bureau of Chemistry 
and Foods and the establishment of definite 
standards, being already on the calendar, was 
substituted for the Hepburn bill. There was 
objection to the consideration of pure food leg- 
islation on the floor of the Senate, however, 
and the session ended without further action. 

All through the final session of the Fifty- 
eighth Congress during the ^\dnter of 1905 
Senator Weldon B. Heyburn resorted to every 
method of bringing the issue to a conclusion, 
but the Senatorial custom of considering noth- 
ing without unanimous consent was always en- 
forced. An attempt to load the pure food 
measure onto the sundry civil bill was promptly 
frustrated. Whenever discussion of the bill 
was permitted for a few minutes there were 
continual interruptions to interpose other pend- 
ing legislation. Senators Piatt, Aldrich, and 
Spooner, who feared that some corner grocery- 
man might be punished for unknowingly selling 
deleterious food, invariably obstructed any 
bona fide debate, and during the last hours of 
the session, when an attempt was made to ob- 
tain some kind of a vote on a ^'willful" amend- 
ment, they effectually intervened. ^^-^ 

Undismayed by the obstacles pure food legis- 
lation had encountered in the Senate for many 
years. Colonel Hepburn and Senator Heyburn 
both introduced pure food bills at the begin- 



282 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ning- of the Fifty-nintli Congress. After an 
extended debate the Heyburn bill passed the 
Senate on February 21, 1906, by a vote of sixty- 
three to four. Two weeks later the House 
Committee on Interstate and Foreign Com- 
merce recommended that the Hepburn bill, with 
some modifications, be substituted for the Sen- 
ate bill. Toward the end of March unanimous 
consent was obtained by Colonel Hepburn to 
make the pure food bill a continuing special 
order for April 10th. At the appointed time, 
however, an appropriation bill was under con- 
sideration and the pure food bill was not called 
up. On May 7th, therefore, Hepburn offered a 
resolution to restore the privileged character 
of the measure and the motion was adopted by 
a large majority. Other bills of higher privi- 
lege intervened, however, and as days and even 
wrecks passed while nothing more was heard of 
the pure food bill friends of the measure be- 
came anxious. Newspaper stories began to 
circulate that Colonel Hepburn and other lead- 
ers in the House were really opposed to pure 
food legislation and would prevent the passage 
of the bill. As a matter of fact on May 17th 
Hepburn himself attempted to have the pure 
food bill taken up, but the House decided in 
favor of the naturalization bill. Yet some of 
the criticism came from men who had sw^elled 
the majority on that vote. Finally, on June 



PURE FOOD 



283 



20tli tlie Committee on Rules was induced to 
report a resolution that the pure food bill 
should be considered and put upon its passa^-e 
after twelve hours of debate.^^" Accordingly 
on the following day Colonel Hepburn yielded 
the floor to James R. Mann for an explanation 
of the pending legislation. The Hepburn bill 
as substituted for the Heyburn bill which 
passed the Senate made the shipment, receipt, 
or sale of misbranded or adulterated food or 
drugs in interstate or foreign commerce a mis- 
demeanor punishable by fine, or imprisonment 
for a second offense if knowingly committed. 
Both bills provided that regulations for admin- 
istering the law should be formulated by the 
Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of 
Agriculture, and the Secretary of Commerce 
and Labor. Foods, drugs, misbranding, and 
adulteration were defined in the light of years 
of debate, and some important additions were 
made to the corresponding sections of the Sen- 
ate bill. Furthermore, the Hepburn bill 
authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to fix 
standards of food products.^-'' 

By means of exhibits, demonstrations, and 
detailed explanations of the origin of various 
provisions Mr. Mann convinced almost all of 
the Representatives that they should support 
the pure food bill. A few members, however, 
the chief of whom was William C. Adamson, 



284 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

remained obdurate to the end. Colonel Hep- 
burn, said Adamson, had inherited the "pure 
foolishness" bill from Marriott Brosius. He 
contended that the measure was ''sumptuary 
legislation for the regulation of the table 
menu" and although some of the tales of adul- 
teration had spoiled his appetite he still in- 
sisted that he had not heard of a solitary case 
that State authorities could not have punished. 
The proposed legislation was not only uncon- 
stitutional but vicious. ^^^ 

The amended Hepburn bill passed the House 
on June 23rd by a vote of two hundred and 
forty-one to seventeen. Two days later the 
Senate refused to accept the House amend- 
ments and conference committees were ap- 
pointed with Hepburn chairman of the House 
conferees. The committee of conference re- 
ported a compromise measure which, though a 
combination of both Senate and House bills, 
was based primarily on the Hepburn bill. The 
principal concession by the House was that the 
Secretary of Agriculture should not fix food 
standards, while the Senate agreed to a strin- 
gent clause regulating the labeling of habit- 
forming drugs. The bill finally passed both 
branches of Congress on June 29th and was 
approved by President Roosevelt on the follow^- 
ing day.^'^'^ 

''I would think that I was somewhat dere- 



PURE FOOD 285 

lict in my duty", confessed James R. Mann 
just before the final passage of the Pure Food 
and Drug Act, ''if I did not say a word or 
two in regard to the services of the man in this 
House who is principally entitled to the credit 
for the enactment of a pure-food law at all. 
The chairman of the Committee on Interstate 
and Foreign Commerce — and these words will 
come as a surprise and embarrassment to him 
— the gentleman from Iowa, Colonel Hepburn, 
for eight years and more has been a deter- 
mined, constant, steady advocate of pure- 
food legislation. Three times at least the 
House, under his lead, has passed a pure-food 
bill. And w^hen it shall become enacted into 
law, as I believe this shortly will be when this 
conference report is agreed upon, to him the 
most credit for the law will be due."^'*'^ 

Within a fortnight after the epoch-making 
first session of the Fifty-ninth Congress had 
adjourned. Colonel Hepburn returned to his 
comfortable home in Clarinda to spend the sum- 
mer. The news of the distinguished Congress- 
man's coming preceded him, and as the train 
passed through the eighth district scores of 
constituents, mindful of his services, gathered 
at the stations along the way to express their 
appreciation of his work. At Creston the local 
militia company had assembled "in full dress 
including white gloves". The band was play- 



286 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ing when the train arrived in Clarinda, and a 
procession nearly three blocks long was formed 
to escort the honored citizen to his residence. 
As the Colonel rode along the streets and 
passed the public square he must have recalled 
a similar reception nearly twenty-six years be- 
fore when he returned from Council Bluffs, 
triumphantly nominated for Congress the first 
time in his life,"^*^^ 

In the evening occurred one of the "most 
notable events in the history of Page county". 
Crowds of enthusiastic citizens gathered in 
Clarinda from the surrounding towns and coun- 
try until nearly four thousand had assembled 
on the spacious lawn in front of the Hepburn 
residence. On the brilliantly lighted veranda 
sat the Colonel and Mrs. Hepburn with a num- 
ber of intimate friends. Dr. Max E. Witte, the 
Superintendent of the Clarinda State Hospital, 
opened the formal speech-making with a few 
well chosen remarks in praise of the splendid 
services of Congressman Hepburn, especially 
in connection with the enactment of the pure 
food law. 

A number of addresses followed in which the 
Colonel and Mrs. Hepburn were welcomed 
again and again and their character and 
achievements extolled. ''Clarinda is the home 
of Col. Hepburn, and that is its greatest dis- 
tinction", said J. N. Maclean in the principal 



PURE FOOD 287 

oration of the evening. ''Here be puts off his 
armor and his silk hat, and spends his inter- 
sessional days among his friends and neighbors 
as be was wont in the happy halcyon days be- 
fore he became famous." The Colonel was as- 
sured that the people of Clarinda, ''irrespective 
of all political differences," were absolutely 
sincere in hailing him at the close of his ' ' great- 
est congressional year" as "one of the nation's 
really mighty leaders." 

In a voice husky with emotion Colonel Hep- 
burn thanked his friends for their kindness, 
counting it a rare privilege to receive such an 
ovation. Having finished the personal part of 
his response, he talked of public policies, warn- 
ing the people in ringing tones against being 
misled by the unprincipled individuals with 
muck-rakes who were abroad in the land busily 
engaged in assaulting the integrity of men in 
public service. Mrs. Hepburn also replied wit- 
tily to the many compliments paid her ; and the 
reception ended with general informal hand- 
shaking. 



XXVIII 

The Progressive Movement 

If there were any lingering doubts in the minds 
of the voters in the eighth district as to the 
ability and unquestioned leadership of Con- 
gressman Hepburn such misgivings must have 
been dispelled by his work in the first session 
of the Fifty-ninth Congress — a session which 
President Roosevelt declared would be mem- 
orable for its constructive legislation. Four of 
the five most important measures enacted dur- 
ing this session were reported by the Committee 
on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, and of 
three of these Hepburn was the author. 

But the importance of the position that the 
Colonel occupied in the House of Representa- 
tives can not be measured alone by the number 
and character of the bills he introduced or by 
his chairmanship of the Committee on Inter- 
state and Foreign Commerce. From 1903 to 
1909, as chairman of the Republican caucus, he 
was a leader of the dominant party ;"*"- and in 
that capacity he was instrumental in control- 
ling the type of legislation enacted by the 
House of Representatives during the major 

288 



PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT 289 

portion of Roosevelt's ''strenuous" adminis- 
tration.'*^^ 

Universal respect for Hepburn's statesman- 
ship, however, did not secure party loyalty. 
The radical faction of the Republican party 
under the leadership of Albert B. Cummins 
was constantly gaining new recruits — many of 
them attracted by the program for tariff re- 
vision, railroad regulation, and the exclusion 
of corporation influence from politics by means 
of direct primary elections. Reformers were 
especially numerous in the "Reservation" — a 
strip of counties in southern Iowa, including 
particularly the Eighth Congressional District, 
the political destiny of which was dominated by 
the Burlington railroad for which J. W. Blythe 
was general solicitor and political manager.^*^* 

Before Colonel Hepburn began to serve the 
term in Congress for which he was elected in 
1904 there was talk of smashing the "Reserva- 
tion" machine and preventing his nomination 
in 1906. The Colonel's reply to Henry Wallace 
at Corning in February, 1905, quieted the re- 
volt for the time being, but in the following- 
autumn evidence of discontent was again mani- 
fest. On October 7th, A. I. Smith of Mount 
Ayr announced his candidacy for a seat in Con- 
gress, and a month later a petition was circu- 
lated praying Speaker Cannon not to appoint 
Hepburn chairman of the Committee on Inter- 

20 



290 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

state and Foreign Commerce. J. W. Blytlie 
was informed that although trouble was brew- 
ing the '' overwhelming sentiment of the acting, 
working, 'reservation' Republicans" was in 
favor of Colonel Hepburn and that the Cum- 
mins forces were not dangerous. ^"^^ 

Early in December the Progressives began to 
organize under the leadership of Dan W. 
Turner who had previously expressed to Plep- 
burn his dissatisfaction with the political situ- 
ation and announced his sympathy for the re- 
form element of the party. ''Do you suppose", 
replied the Colonel, "that the gentlemen in 
your town and county and in Taylor county 
that did the most to make you Senator would 
have given you their influence if they had 
known that when you got into power and your 
own influence was reinforced by the influence 
of the Senatorial office that all would be exerted 
against them in their party contentions?" 
The proper course, according to Hepburn, 
would be to remain in the party and endeavor 
to guide reform from within. ' ' If you find any- 
thing wrong in the polity of the party, oppose 
it. If you find anything like bossism or chicane 
in the party, denounce it".^^^ 

For himself Hepburn could say he had never 
had any experience with a party machine, nor 
would he submit to the dictations of any party 
boss. He confessed to having- ''a verv high re- 



PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT 291 

gard" for Mr. Blytlie, but he had not "hesi- 
tated on many occasions to differ from him 
both as to candidates and policies. ' ' That there 
was "undoubtedly an organization recognized 
by the republican party" which supervised the 
"general conduct of party affairs", he admit- 
ted. He recognized that there had been in Iowa 
"at different times men whose prominence and 
the preference of many friends gave the status 
of acknowledged leadership", but he had never 
known of machine or boss dictation. 

The bitter, personal campaign between 
George D. Perkins and Albert B. Cummins for 
the Republican gubernatorial nomination in 
1906 accentuated the cleavage between Progres- 
sives and Standpatters. Although Perkins in- 
sisted that he could stand on the Cummins 
platform, he was supported almost entirely by 
the conservative element of the party. Indeed, 
he did not announce his candidacy until J. W. 
Blythe, after consulting Colonel Hepburn and 
others, had promised that "the southern part 
of the State would be willing to take up his 
cause" if he could carry the eleventh and part 
of the tenth Congressional districts. There is 
no doubt that Colonel Hepburn would have 
preferred the nomination of Mr. Perkins be- 
cause he felt that Cummins was a demagogue 
bent upon the disruption of the Eepublican 
party. If the Governor was sincerely Roose- 



292 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

veltian the Colonel believed lie would not be 
trying to defeat tlie men who w^ere actually 
accomplishing progressive measures with 
Roosevelt's endorsement. Moreover, Hepburn 
was convinced that Cummins was using his 
popular reform program and political position 
for self-advancement.^*^'^ 

During the campaign of 1906 Colonel Hep- 
burn depended very largely upon J. W. Blythe 
to interpret the political situation in lowa.^*'^ 
Conditions in the eighth district seemed to be 
altogether favorable for the Colonel until Gov- 
ernor Cummins invaded the ''Reservation" 
about the first of April to make a series of 
speeches and to support the candidacy of A. L 
Smith for Congress. Almost in the same breath 
he praised the policies of the President and in- 
sinuated that Hepburn had ''not fairly regard- 
ed the interests of his constituents". Yet at 
that very moment President Roosevelt was de- 
pending upon no one more than Colonel Hep- 
burn to enact the popular legislation that made 
the Fifty-ninth Congress memorable. Later 
the Governor apparently concluded that many 
of his own friends were also friendly to the 
Colonel, for his attitude seems to have changed. 
Hepburn opposed the nomination of Governor 
Cummins for a third term until the State con- 
vention decided in favor of such nomination on 
August 1st: from that time until election he 



PROGRESSIVE J^IOVEMENT 293 

urged Republicans to vote a strais-ht ticket in- 
cluding Cummins for Governor.'*'^^ 

The movement to displace Colonel Hepburn 
which seemed serious at the beginning of the 
year was completely frustrated by his remark- 
able achievements in Congress. The candidacy 
of A. I. Smith had not proven to be dangerous 
except as a nucleus for the organization of 
Cummins men. In the primaries on April 26th 
Smith failed to carry even his own county, and 
from that time the renomination of Colonel 
Hepburn by the Republican Congressional con- 
vention in Creston on June 5th was a foregone 
conclusion. Without much hope of success the 
Democrats nominated J. S. Estes.'*^" 

The lack of harmony among Republicans 
made the election somewhat uncertain. Alli- 
ances between Democrats and progressive Re- 
publicans in the eighth district resulted in 
Hepburn 's name being scratched extensively — 
a practice greatly facilitated by the removal of 
the party circle from the ballot. Some Pro- 
gressives believed the rumor that tlie Stand- 
patters had orders from ''Reservation" head- 
quarters to scratch Cummins and retaliated by 
scratching Hepburn. It is probable also that 
many standpat Republicans were too disinter- 
ested to go to the polls owing to the progressive 
personnel of the State ticket. Out of this con- 
fusion of motives Hepburn was elected by a 



294 "WILLTAJM PETERS HEPBURN 

majority of twenty-two liundrod and twenty- 
five votes — a margin smaller by more than 
eight thousand than in 1904, though the total 
vote w^as also less.^^^ 

J. H. Tedford, who was ''sore" and ''deeply 
humiliated" by the political status in Iowa 
thought Hepburn's majority was "something 
wonderful considering all things." Another 
friend declared it had been the "blamest cam- 
paign" he had ever seen: "you can't find out 
anything for sure. One day we think things 
are all right, and the next day we are plunged 
into uncertainty." J. L. AYaite had been in- 
clined to "go out behind the barn and swear in 
several languages." To J. W. Blythe the elec- 
tion of Cummins was not a disappointment but 
"a subject of disgust". "A few more forced 
nominations and we will have no party organi- 
zation left. A few more reform measures, such 
as taking the circle from the top of the ballot, 
state wide primaries, and branding every man 
as a corporate tool who does not heed advices 
from Des Moines, and the party machinery will 
be gone and much of the party vote", wrote 
Smith McPhorson. A prominent editor con- 
fessed bitterly that the Standpatters were 
"beaten almost to a finish" in Iowa, and while 
he would "stand by national republicanism", 
State politics he proposed to "follow afar off" 
walking softly.^^^ 



PROGRESSIVE MOVEiAIENT 295 

To Hepburn who had witnessed the progress 
and, indeed, participated in the achievements of 
the Republican party from its very inception, 
the conduct of the campaign of 1906 which 
broke down party lines and discredited the 
work of the party in the past seemed to approx- 
imate sacrilege. "Ah, gentlemen," he ex- 
claimed in the House of Representatives, 
"there are those who attempt to deride us and 
belittle us by applying as opprobrious the term 
'stand-patter;' and some have said that the 
only 'stand-patter' is that one that is dead. 
Not so ... . Progressive! Oh, yes; we 
are. We could progress from the old teachings 
of the old masters to that height of patriotism 
and love of liberty that declared slaves should 
not exist. We could progress from our love of 
peace to entering into the greatest war that the 
nations have known in order to preserve the 
Union. We could make sacrifices of the gravest 
character in order to restore the States. Wo 
could build up the broken fortunes of the Re- 
public by restoring its credit. We could pro- 
gress from the penury of the old days to the 
splendid conditions of currency and of credit of 
to-day. We could go forward from this, being 
a borrowing nation, a purchasing nation, a de- 
pendent nation, to one where we stood at the 
apex, capable of loaning to the world, capable 
of manufacturing for the world, capable of 



296 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

meeting the commerce of tlie world, capable of 
feeding and of clothing the nations. Ah, the 
Republican party is a progressive party, but it 
never progresses beyond the limitation of its 
principles. "^^^ 

Colonel Hepburn clashed with the so-called 
Progressives less because they advocated tariff 
revision and the control of big business than 
because they disrupted the party that had gov- 
erned the nation successfully for half a cen- 
tury. Innovations, like primary elections, that 
threatened the established system of party ma- 
chinery he regarded as dangerous experi- 
ments.^^** 

Before the end of January, 1908, the political 
managers of the eighth district had begun to 
plan the campaign of that year. It was decided 
that the contest should be conducted ''squarely 
upon the tariff issue" rather than a "discus- 
sion of petty personalities". Although A. I. 
Smith was still ambitious to displace Colonel 
Hepburn he w^as not considered particularly 
dangerous, despite the fact that the operation 
of the new direct primary election law made 
any diagnosis of the situation precarious. The 
hardest fight in the eighth district, it was 
thought, would center around the general elec- 
tion in November. It w^as predicted that 
William D. Jamieson of Shenandoah, who w^as 
regarded as the most likely Democratic candi- 



PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT 297 

date, would "make a handshaking campaign" 
and woukl appeal ''in a special way to the 
young men and to the Progressives."-*^^ 

Throughout the winter and spring the fac- 
tional strife in the Republican party, accentu- 
ated by the candidacy of Governor Cummins 
for Senator Allison's seat in Congress, was at 
flood tide. Both progressive and conservative 
Republicans realized that the Senatorial cam- 
paign, whicli had been predicted from the time 
that Cummins was elected Governor in 1901, 
would be a battle royal. The Standpatters, 
who were still suffering from the disintegrating 
effects of the defeat of 1906, began to organize 
early, while the Cummins machine made des- 
perate efforts to retain the prestige and per- 
sonnel that had been won. The political situa- 
tion in the eighth district seemed placid on the 
surface, but party workers admitted that there 
was a strong progressive undercurrent.'*^*' 

In May the chairman of the Republican Con- 
gressional Committee of the eighth district, 
William F. Stipe, who managed Hepburn's 
campaign, undertook to obtain the names of all 
Republicans who had refused to sign the Colo- 
nel's nomination papers or who had expressed 
any dissatisfaction with Colonel Hepburn either 
personally or with his record in Congress. It 
was reported that Smith was making a favor- 
able impression upon the miners in Appanoose 



298 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

County. From another section came the 
opinion that he would not "cut much of a Swath 
in Col. Hepburns field", although there were 
some voters who thought the Colonel was 
growing too old and had been in Congress long 
enough. In several parts of the district dis- 
appointed post office aspirants were spreading 
dissension. Some apprehension was expressed 
lest the regular Republicans should be either 
too complacent or too busy in the corn fields to 
vote at the primary on June 2nd, for it was 
understood that the Progressives were plan- 
ning to have Democrats claim Republican bal- 
lots at the primary and then vote for Cummins 
and Smith.^i' 

In order to counteract the ''whirlwind cam- 
paign" by Cummins in the eighth district just 
before the primary election. Secretary James 
Wilson made speeches at Chariton, Corydon, 
and Centerville, in which he heartily endorsed 
his old friend. Colonel Hepburn. Both, he 
said, had grown gray in the service of the na- 
tion and the people of Iowa. Major John F. 
Lacey also made a few speeches in the eastern 
part of the district where the Standpatters 
were "illy prepared to cope" with the thor- 
oughly organized, well financed, and enthusi- 
astic Cummins machine. From Mount Ayr, the 
home of A. I. Smith, came the jubilant news 
that the light was growing clearer as the "ter- 



PROGRESSIVE .AIOVE]^IENT 1)99 

rible primary" approacliod. By means of ''all 
needful publicity" it would be very difficult for 
the Democrats to participate in the Republican 
primary and while party workers were not 
counting the ''adolescent pullets before they 
cease to be oviform" they confidently hoped to 
"skin Smith alive". Colonel Hepburn took no 
part in the primary campaig-n except to encour- 
age a large Republican vote and prevent par- 
ticipation by the Democrats. '^^^ 

Political anxiety among "Reservation" Re- 
publicans was relieved on June 2nd when W. P. 
Hepburn was renominated by a majority of 
nearly six thousand votes. Apparently the 
Standpatters outnumbered the Progressives in 
the eighth district nearly two to one inasmuch 
as Allison defeated Cummins by about the same 
margin. The total Democratic vote for Con- 
gressman which was a little over five thousand 
and probably represented normal strength was 
almost equally divided between V. R. McGinnis 
and W. D. Jamieson — the latter emerging vic- 
toriously from a ' ' strenuous campaign ' ' with a 
lead of sixty-nine votes. ■^^'^ 

It was hoped that the bitterness which char- 
acterized the primary contest would not be car- 
ried over into the general campaign. Harmony 
became the watchword of the regular Repub- 
licans and every effort was made to reestab- 
lish the party lines that had been obliterated by 



300 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

independent voting. ''It has been my rule," 
wrote Colonel Hepburn, "no matter how ac- 
tively I might have participated in the primary 
contests, to give my hearty support in the final 
contest. For fifty-two years I have been a sup- 
porter of my party ticket, and I have never yet 
scratched a name on that ticket, and when I 
have been upon the stump I have given cordial 
and earnest support to the whole ticket. With 
these views I am in favor of those policies that 
will promote harmony and unity of action 
among republicans, and I am favorable to the 
proffer of the olive branch where there is a 
reasonable probability that it will be accepted 
in good faith, and that such action will bring 
about earnest endeavors to give a black eye to 
factional strife. '"'^o 

Conciliation was the keynote of the Repub- 
lican State convention which met in Waterloo 
on June 24th to select a State committee and 
frame a platform. Although the Standpatters 
had been victorious in the primary election, the 
''Iowa idea" was cheered vociferously at the 
convention and Governor Cummins received an 
ovation as he walked to the stage and took a 
place beside Lafayette Young and W. P. Hep- 
burn.^^^ Later it was Cummins Avho urged the 
united support of the entire Republican ticket, 
both State and national. Any Republican 
would be derelict in duty, the Governor de- 




WII.I.IA.M I'KTKRS HEPBURN' 



PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT 301 

clared, wlio proposed to vote for anyone other 
than Allison for Senator after the result of the 
primary. The only untoward incident that 
marred the concord of the convention was the 
^'shabby and discourteous treatment" tendered 
to the temporary chairman when his praise of 
conservative leaders was greeted by hisses 
from the radicals.^-- 

Hepburn's campaign was conducted chiefly 
on the strength of his record. On the basis of 
a statement by President Roosevelt of what he 
deemed the constructive legislation of Congress 
during his administration it appears that al- 
most half of the measures had been either intro- 
duced or shaped in the House by Colonel Hep- 
burn. Meanwhile the eighth Iowa district did 
not suffer from the lack of public buildings and 
other improvements provided at the expense of 
the national government.^-'' The Page County 
Republican convention expressed "continued 
confidence and esteem" for Hepburn who was 
''in the forefront in shaping and securing need- 
ed legislation of the utmost importance to the 
country at large." Especially was he com- 
mended "for his strong and aggressive stand 
in supporting the policies of President Roose- 
velt. " In the words of the temporary chair- 
man of the Republican State convention "the 
proudest chapter of the history of Roosevelt's 
administration recounting the triumph of pop- 



302 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ular rights over corporate greed" could not be 
written without "showing prominent on every 
page the name of Iowa's valiant old soldier of 
battle fields of blood and battle fields of public 
duty, William P. Hepburn ".^--^ 

It was predicted early in June that W. D. 
Jamieson would poll more votes than any other 
Democrat in the eighth district. In 1906 he had 
been elected to the State Senate by winning the 
votes of many independent Republicans. No 
one denied that he was a "hustler" and had "a 
way about him" that won friends. Moreover, 
he was fortunate in securing the services of an 
unusually successful campaign manager named 
James J. Reddy, a popular Irish traveling 
salesman who enlisted the assistance of nearly 
every drummer and railroad man in southern 
lowa.^-^ 

The Democrats were shrewd enough to take 
advantage of all the elements of weakness 
which Hepburn had developed during the many 
years of selecting postmasters and securing 
pensions. Disappointed office seekers and old 
soldiers were invited to nurse their grudges by 
defeating "old Pete" Hepburn. No doubt the 
argument that the Colonel was growing too old 
and had already monopolized the place long 
enough appealed to many voters. Perhaps if 
Hepburn had announced that it would be his 
last term in Congress he might have been elect- 



PROGRESSIVE ]\rOVEMENT 303 

ed. piiring_tIie_ latGr years lie had lo slJonuLu 
with the niasJ^IjLOtersjind a new^goneration 
with whom ho was iior personailv acqua inted 
^?^?Iir.9!!^— ^^* inaii]m^)(l. Moreover, his per- 
sistent opposition to trade unions had he^^-nn to 
alienate the labor vote. For the first time in 
many years the Democrats invaded the Repub- 
lican stronghold in the eastern part of the dis- 
trict. The coal miners were tanght to regard 
"Billy" Jamieson as "one of the b'ys" and a 
"gnd fallar". The irrepressible Reddy saw 
everybody. Greeks and Italians read in their 
own language about W. D. Jamieson, a poor 
man w^ho worked for a living and believed in 
trade unions: their priests also spoke a good 
word for him.'*^® 

The most important source from Avhich 
Jamieson gathered strength was the radical 
faction of the Republican party. The district 
was thoroughly organized. Recruiting sta- 
tions were established in every precinct and 
schoolhouse. Every dissatisfied voter received 
half a dozen personal letters that touched his 
most sensitive political wounds. The Progres- 
sives were reminded that the Standpatters had 
voted for Claude R. Porter instead of Cummins 
in 1906. Disgruntled Standpatters were talked 
to concerning the faults of Cummins and the 
Progressives. The speeches Hepburn made for 
Cummins in 1906 probably lost him standpat 



304 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

votes and when the Standpatters failed to vote 
for Cummins the Progressives decided to pun- 
ish Hepburn for it in 1908. In accordance with 
the harmony program in 1908 Standpatters 
voted for the Progressive candidates but the 
Progressives, though protesting their loyalty to 
Colonel Hepburn, coolly voted for his rival. In 
some instances it seems that the Democrats 
voted for minor Republican candidates in ex- 
change for Jamieson support. It was asserted 
that Cummins Republicans voted for Jamieson 
"in droves". Accusations that the Progres- 
sives had betrayed their party were current.'*^'^ 
Whatever may have been the political finesse 
to which Jamieson resorted, the official count of 
the ballots cast in the general election on No- 
vember 3, 1908, gave him the narrow plurality 
of three hundred and ten votes over William P. 
Hepburn. Election returns seem to indicate 
that about six thousand Republicans voted for 
Jamieson. He carried every county except 
Appanoose, Clarke, and Page. In Page County 
alone, the home of both candidates, Hepburn's 

majority was nearly a thousand less than in 
1904.'*28 

The chagrin of being defeated on the eve of 
the seventy-fifth anniversary of his birthday 
was relieved for Colonel Hepburn by messages 
of sympathy and of sorrow from all parts of 
the country. ''Your defeat is an outrage". 



PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT 305 

telegraphed George D. Perkins from Sioux 
City. Fellow Congressmen, Democrats and Re- 
publicans alike, were astounded that the Colo- 
nel's ''splendid service to the public" could 
have failed of recognition at home. "It seems 
incredible", wrote a friend in Vicksburg, Mis- 
sissippi; while in Seattle, Washington, ''ex- 
pressions of regret" were heard "on every 
hand." There were many who, though regret- 
ting the personal misfortune to the Colonel, felt 
that the loss to the State and nation was far 
greater. Representatives of the Signal Corps 
and the Revenue Cutter Service particularly 
were distressed by his defeat.'*-^ "I pray you 
to believe, Sir," wrote a New York lawyer, 
"that where one gloats over your defeat, a 
score of better men weep for it." President- 
elect Taft telegraphed that he would have been 
gratified if the Colonel "could have been a 
member of the house of representatives" dur- 
ing his administration. 

But of all the letters he received Colonel 
Hepburn cherished most a letter from Theo- 
dore Roosevelt. "I do not know whether to be 
most grieved or concerned or indignant", 
wrote the President. "In any event, my dear 
Colonel, you have the right to feel that in peace 
and in war you have been a singularly straight- 
forward and efficient servant of the country. 
You have deserved well of the Nation. I count 

21 



306 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

my association with yon as one of peculiar 
value, and I am glad and proud to have stood 
with you in those many civic battles which we 
have fought together. "^^« 

The events of election day, the Colonel wrote 
to his grandson, seemed "very full of misfor- 
tune", but in comparison to all the kindly 
action of the Republicans during the previous 
twenty-eight years his defeat appeared very in- 
significant. "I had fully made up my mind", 
he continued, "that this would be the last time 
I would be a candidate, and that two years 
hence I would be relieved of the burdens and 
responsibilities of a Congressional place." 
Nearly three years earlier he had stated that 
he little cared, "very little indeed", whether or 
not he remained in Congress. He had decided 
then that the first indication of weariness with 
his services would be the signal for the end of 
his candidacy.^^^ 

Though the Colonel was inclined to accept his 
defeat philosophically many of his friends who 
had worked arduously for his election begged 
him to demand a recount of the votes. It was 
asserted that many ballots cast by voters who 
intended to vote a straight Republican ticket 
were thrown out on technicalities resulting 
from the confusion caused by removing the 
party circle. Hepburn was reminded that he 
owed it to his constituencv that thev should not 



PROGRESSIVE IMOVEMENT 307 

be disfranchised by errors of judg-mont, and 
that it was his duty to contest the election if ho 
was the choice of the majority. While he had 
little to gain personally by another term in 
Congress, his services would be of great benefit 
to the party and to the country. He therefore 
consented to the contest if it could be proved 
that injustice had been done and on December 
3, 1908, he notified James J. Jamison and M. L. 
Temple to undertake the investigation. Votes 
were recounted in some counties but without 
material advantage either way. While Hep- 
burn might have been seated by the Republican 
House, he refused to accept the place unless he 
had been fairly and unquestionably elected. 
So the recount came to a halt and the contest 
was finally abandoned.^-''- 

No sooner had the result of the election been 
determined than newspaper speculation and 
over-zealous friends began to suggest that 
Hepburn should accept a place in Taft's Cab- 
inet, but that proposal was promptly vetoed by 
the Colonel. ''I do not want anything to be 
done or said that could be construed into rival- 
ry of James Wilson", he wrote to A. B. 
Thornell. "It is not likely that two Secretaries 
will be taken from Iowa, and an advocacy of 
myself for a position might be construed as a 
disparagement of or hostility to Mr, Wilson. 
You may remember that twenty-two years ago, 



308 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

when I was having my most vigorous fight with 
Al. Anderson, Senator Allison refused to come 
into my district to make speeches, and Senator 
eJames F. Wilson cancelled five appointments 
that had been made for him in this district, yet 
'Tama Jim' Wilson came to my aid and spent 
two weeks trying to help me. Last spring prior 
to the primaries he made three speeches in this 
district ; this fall he made a number, and I can- 
not but think that I would be the most shame- 
less ingrate if I took any position that might 
seem to be in the remotest degree opposed to 
him. "^^^ 

Sometime later Colonel Hepburn consented 
to become a candidate for a judgeship on the 
Customs Court, although he was really anxious 
to find employment outside of public office. 
Many friends, irrespective of party affiliation, 
urged Hepburn's appointment to some govern- 
ment position. W. C. Adamson reminded 
President Taft that while suitable places were 
few there were also "very few of Col. Hep- 
burn." The President finally offered him a 
place as Commissioner of Pensions, but by that 
time Hepburn had made arrangements to open 
a private law office in Washington and was in a 
position to inform the President that he could 
not accept. A few days later he withdrew his 
name as a candidate for the Customs Court.'*^-* 



XXIX 

The Rules of the House 

The first speech delivered by William P. 
Hepburn after liis return to the House of Rep- 
resentatives in 1893 was a protest against the 
power of the Speaker to refuse to recognize a 
member who desired to address the House ; and 
the subject of his farewell speech in February, 
1909, was the revision of the rules. From the 
beginning to the end of his Congressional ca- 
reer Colonel Hepburn led in the struggle 
against the "czardom" of the Speaker and the 
autocracy of the Committee on Rules. He saw 
that the representative function of Congress- 
men was being impaired, and he resented the 
denial of equal opportunity to all members of 
the House. Year after year he poured out "in 
the cloak room as well as on the floor, his heart- 
felt, picturesque, sardonically humorous com- 
ments on the unfairness of the one-man power 
regime." Although at first he was almost 
alone in his insurgency, he was not disciplined 
by the machine — probably because he was one 
of the most able, fearless, and vindictive men in 
Congress or because the majority of his asso- 

309 



310 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ciates felt in their hearts that "Old Pete" was 
right.^^^ 

''Each constituency is the equal of every 
other, and through its Representative is en- 
titled to the same rights as every other", de- 
clared the Colonel in 1893. The power of the 
Speaker ''to absolutely disfranchise a constitu- 
ency", by refusing to recognize a member, he 
believed to be contrary to the spirit of the Con- 
stitution. Much had been said against the peril 
of allowing the Speaker to determine whether a 
motion was dilatory in character, or whether a 
member who was present and refused to vote 
could be counted for the purpose of securing a 
quorum; but Hepburn was the first to protest 
against the more dangerous practice of refus- 
ing recognition, which meant that the Speaker 
could declare that a Representative was absent 
during his whole term and could decide that a 
particular member should submit no motion of 
any kind, dilatory or otherwise.^^*^ "If there is 
any one proposition of the Constitution that is 
well established it is the absolute equality of 
constituencies", Hepburn proclaimed in 1896. 
Yet the Speaker was empowered to arbitrarily 
"silence a constituency during the existence of 
an entire Congress." It was Hepburn's opin- 
ion that Representatives had no authority for 
surrendering the right of the people to have 
their will expressed in Congress.'*^^ 



RULES OP THE HOUSE 311 

When Speaker Eeocl and the Committee on 
Eules refused to make a special order for the 
consideration of the Nicaragua canal bill in the 
Fifty-fourth Congress — despite overwhelming 
sentiment in favor of the measure — Hepburn 
was thoroughly convinced that the rules ought 
to be amended. At the beginning of the Fifty- 
fifth Congress, therefore, when David B. Hen- 
derson moved that the rules of the previous 
Congress be adopted until further notice, Hep- 
burn proposed to limit the period to thirty 
days. Henderson objected, and promised that 
new rules would "probably be reported long 
before the thirty days expire" and that the 
House would have the "fullest opportunity" to 
offer amendments. Had it not been for this 
statement the amendment offered by Colonel 
Hepburn would probably have been adopted, 
for on the question of ordering the previous 
question to the exclusion of the amendment 
there were one hundred and fifty-eight yeas to 
one hundred and fifty-eight noes and the reso- 
lution to adopt the rules of the Fifty-fourth 
Congress finally carried by a majority of only 
twenty-four votes. During the entire Congress, 
however, the Committee on Rules, of which 
Henderson was chairman, failed to report 
either a new code of rules or amendments to 
the old rules. ^^^ 

Hepburn, working earnestly for the enact- 



312 WILLIAIM PETERS HEPBUEN 

meiit of isthmian canal legislation and being 
obstructed in every effort, lost respect for 
standing rules that permitted half a dozen men 
to determine what bills should be considered in 
the House. His attempt to tack the canal bill 
on to the sundry civil appropriation bill as a 
rider precipitated a bitter debate in which the 
sanctity of the rules was proclaimed by Con- 
gressmen who, even as they spoke, were guilty 
of unparliamentary conduct. The circum- 
stances surrounding the adoption of the rules 
destroyed the reverence with which the Colonel 
usually desired to regard law, while the wanton 
\dolation of the rules by those who on other 
occasions invoked them to control the action of 
other members made it impossible for him to 
have faith in the inspired character of the 
rules. Furthermore, the Constitution empow- 
ered the House of Representatives to prescribe 
its rules of procedure without limitation, and 
Hepburn contended that the majority of the 
House could "fix these rules when they want 
them, and how they want them, to accomplish 
those purposes that the lawmaking majority 
choose." Every vote to sustain or overrule a 
decision of the Chair, he announced, was equiv- 
alent to the adoption of a rule for the govern- 
ment of the House, at least for the particular 
occasion. "I want it to be understood", he 
declared, ''that the House itself, when it 



RULES OF THE HOUSE 313 

chooses and how it chooses, may, for the then 
action, make that rule that it desires to make, 
and that action of the House at the time that it 
acts is a rule".'*^^ 

On account of the extremely narrow Hepuh- 
lican majority in the Fifty-sixth Congress the 
party leaders in the House determined tliat any 
attempt to revise the rules might result in the 
loss of control. Speaker David B. Henderson 
was supposed to have conciliated Colonel Hep- 
burn, but when a resolution was introduced in 
the Republican caucus to bind the party mem- 
bers to adopt the rules of the Fifty-fourth and 
the Fiftj^-fifth Congress, the Colonel objected 
vigorously.^^" The rules, he insisted, should be 
modified, especially in connection with the 
question of recognition. He also contended 
that there should be a general decentralization 
of power in reference to committees, and that 
the Committee on Rules should be entirely in- 
dependent of the Speaker, increased in size, 
elected by the House, and composed exclusively 
of majority members. Even his proposal to 
limit the adoption of the old rules to a period 
of forty days met with such scant approval 
that he withdrew the amendment and united 
with the other Republicans in adopting the 
original resolution,'*^^ 

When the House was asked to adopt the 
rules of the previous Congress the Democratic 



314 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

floor leader, James D. Ricliardson, expressed 
the hope that ' ' the very able and distinguished 
gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Hepburn], who now 
occupies his seat on the other side of the 
House, ^^^ would bring forward his armies to 
take part in the contest against these rules"; 
but he understood from newspaper reports that 
his friend had "marched his army up the hill, 
and, following an illustrious precedent on, an- 
other occasion", he had marched it down again. 

"Mr. Speaker", replied Hepburn, "there are 
many rules of this House that do not meet my 
approval; but their adoption became a subject 
of party action — I will say to gentlemen if 
they want the whole truth — of caucus action ; 
and the wisdom of the majority determined that 
the rules as they are were the better for the 
future government of the House ; and with that 
modesty which always characterizes 'the gen- 
tleman from Iowa' [laughter], when the ma- 
jority of my own party so said, I yielded that 
implicit obedience that I hope I will always be 
able to yield. "^^^ 

Obedience for the sake of party unity, how- 
ever, did not mean that the Colonel ceased to 
chafe under the autocratic rules of the House. 
During the second session of the Fifty-sixth 
Congress, when the reapportionment bill was 
under discussion, Hepburn ventured the opin- 
ion that it would be better to "decrease rather 



RULES OF THE HOUSE 315 

than increase tlie number of Representatives" 
because that would tend to make deliberation 
possible.^-*^ "Because the House is so large," 
said he, "because it is so unwieldy, because the 
confusion is so great" despotic rules are neces- 
sary for the transaction of business. He chal- 
lenged anyone to tell how a measure could be 
brought before the House without the assent 
of the Speaker and, "with reference to the 
great majority of propositions," how a bill 
could be brought before the House after it had 
"gone into the bosom of a committee and that 
committee does not see fit to report it?" The 
plan of the Constitution, he declared, had beeu 
"subverted, destroyed, annihilated" by the sur- 
render of the political power of constituencies 
to the Speaker on account of the great size of 
the House. ^^" 

Although Colonel Hepburn submitted to the 
w^ill of the majority in 1899 that fact did uot 
deter him from renewing the contest for a re- 
vision of the rules in the Republican caucus 
preliminary to the organization of the Fifty- 
seventh Congress. ■^^'^ When John Dalzell pro- 
posed to adopt the old rules Hepburn immedi- 
ately offered an amendment limiting the period 
to forty days, at the end of which time the rules 
were to be placed before the House for consid- 
eration. In the course of an earnest argument 
in favor of temporary action he advocated four 



316 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

important changes that he considered neces- 
sary. He urged that the Speaker should be 
compelled to recognize the first member who 
addressed the Chair; that there should be four 
suspension days a month instead of two; that 
the old "morning hour" should be revived; and 
that Senate amendments to House bills should 
be subject to the same points of order as House 
amendments. ^^" After nearly two hours of de- 
bate Hepburn's motion for temporary adoption 
of the rules was defeated by a vote of almost 
three to one, while his four modifications of- 
fered successively as distinct amendments were 
overwhelmingly rejected."*^*^ 

If newspaper statements were reliable, said 
Richardson two days later in a protest against 
the adoption of the rules of the Fifty-sixth 
Congress, Hepburn ''has 40 gentlemen on that 
side of the House up in arms and ready to 
follow his lead in an effort to amend these 
rules. Now, if he will bring his 40 men for- 
ward, I pledge him 150 or 160 on this side of 
the House, and we will change the rules." 
Colonel Hepburn replied that he had enter- 
tained the opinion for many years that ''the 
rules were not perfect", that "there were 
amendments that might be made that would 
tend to the better government of this House", 
and that he had "endeavored in season and, 
some gentlemen would say, out of season to se- 



RULES OP THE HOUSE 317 

cure a change." But lie recalled that the Dem- 
ocratic majority in the Fifty-third Congress 
had refused to accept any of the changes he 
had then proposed, while the Republicans had 
recently decided by a large majority that his 
proposals were not judicious. When **I find 
the whole Democratic side of the House against 
me", said the Colonel in conclusion, "and a 
large majority of my Republican colleagues 
against me I must distrust the wisdom of my 
own conclusions. ' ' "*^^ 

The announcement in September, 1902, that 
David B. Henderson had declined to accept the 
Republican nomination for Congress opened 
the problem of selecting a Speaker for the 
Fifty-eighth Congress. Prominent among the 
leading Republicans in the House who were 
mentioned favorably for the Speakership was 
William P. Hepburn.^"*" In canvassing the 
qualifications of the various candidates there 
was ''invariably a long pause when Colonel 
Hepburn's name" was reached on the list, and 
it w^as "among the very first." His "record 
for consistency", his "stalwart republican- 
ism", his "broad and liberal ideas", his "sin- 
cerity and sturdy sense of conviction", and his 
unsurpassed ability, all "commanded the high 
esteem and genuine admiration" of the House. 
Moreover, the Colonel's long standing opposi- 
tion to autocratic rules and his efforts to obtain 



318 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

a more deliberative system of legislative pro- 
cedure had given him a reputation for democ- 
racy and consistency, while his cheerful sub- 
mission to the verdict of the caucus majority 
had established a reputation for party loyalty. 
It was thought that Hepburn's steadfast oppo- 
sition to reciprocity with Cuba in the first ses- 
sion of the Fifty-seventh Congress would win 
the support of the beet-sugar faction in addi- 
tion to his natural strength due to geographical 
location and eminent fitness for the position. 
What was at first only ''mention" had devel- 
oped by the end of September, 1902, into a 
genuine boom.^^^ 

About the middle of October the talk of 
Colonel Hepburn for Speaker was practically 
silenced by the publication of a letter he had 
written to a friend in Washington disclaiming 
his candidacy for the position. He frankly ad- 
mitted that he ''would not be averse to occupy- 
ing the speaker's chair"; but he took the view 
that he could not be chosen, and having learned 
the futility of "butting his head against stone 
walls" he refused to become a candidate.'*^ ^ 

It was conceded that the Colonel possessed 
the ability to make a great Speaker and many 
meritorious measures of which he was a leading 
advocate would have profited by the influence 
of the position, but various circumstances made 
his selection impossible. "Mr. Hepburn, the 



RULES OF THE HOUSE 319 

Boanerges of debate, is from Town, and Iowa 
will not have two speakers in succession", 
prophesied the Philadelphia Press. Moreover, 
his candidacy would have been interpreted in 
the light of his championship of rules more 
liberal than the majority of Republicans were 
willing to accept. There was another very 
practical reason for refusing to enter the con- 
test : Joseph G. Cannon commanded the support 
of western Congressmen which would have 
been essential to the success of Colonel Hep- 
burn. '^^^ 

The Republican caucus of the Fifty-eighth 
Congress met on November 7, 1903, and unan- 
imously nominated Joseph Gr. Cannon for 
Speaker, an event that had been practically 
certain for almost a year. In the same meeting 
"Pete" Hepburn was selected chairman of the 
caucus to succeed Cannon. Following the or- 
ganization of the caucus and the nomination of 
House officers, Colonel Hepburn offered his 
customary motion to delay the final adoption of 
the rules, but it was lost as usual by an over- 
whelming vote.'*-^'* 

Convinced, apparently, tliat the Republican 
caucus would never consent to a revision of the 
rules and defeated in the election of 1908, 
Colonel Hepburn decided to force the issue in 
the final session of the Sixtieth Congress with- 
out the support of his party."*^^ Accordingly, 



320 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

on the evening of December lltli twenty-five 
insurgent Republicans gathered in the Inter- 
state and Foreign Commerce Committee room 
for the purpose of inaugurating the fight for 
more democratic procedure in the House. 
Colonel Hepburn i3resided over the meeting 
and was authorized to name a committee of 
five, with himself as chairman, to draft pro- 
posed amendments to the rules. It was sug- 
gested that the rule on recognition should be 
revised, that the committees on Elections and 
Rules should be made elective, and that the 
membership of the Committee on Rules should 
be increased. The obvious purpose of the "in- 
surgents" was to so augment their numbers 
that by uniting with the Democrats they could 
control the House."*^^ 

The first skirmish on the floor of the House 
occurred four days after the "insurgents" had 
decided to strive for the amendment of the 
rules. A resolution was offered proposing that 
eight members of the House, five selected by the 
Speaker and three by the leader of the mi- 
nority, should be appointed immediately to 
report not later than February 1, 1909, any 
changes in the existing rules of the House that 
might seem desirable. Representative Payne 
at once made the point of order that the reso- 
lution was not privileged and could not be con- 
sidered. Speaker Cannon sustained the point 



RULES OF THE HOUSE 32I 

of order and upon an appeal bis decision was 
upheld by a vote of one hundred and forty-nine 
to one hundred and thirty-six. Although the 
vote on the appeal was not a fair test of the 
strength of those who probably favored the 
resolution, since the decision was in accord 
with parliamentary practice, many of the "in- 
surgents" nevertheless voted against the 
Speaker. Hepburn, conscious of the justice of 
the decision on the point of order yet thor- 
oughly in sympathy with the resolution, re- 
frained from voting. "^^^ 

However impossible it may have been for the 
"insurgents" to actually achieve the revision 
of the rules, they were at least successful in 
bringing the subject to the attention of the 
public. Hitherto "opposition to the divine 
origin of the rules" had been treated with lev- 
ity or contempt, but the threatening alliance of 
"insurgents" with the Democrats was cause 
for alarm. The parliamentary clerk of the 
House, Asher C. Hinds, hastened to uphold the 
existing procedure in an able magazine article 
that was extensively reprinted, while on Janu- 
ary 7, 1909, Marlin E. Olmsted made an elab- 
orate defense of the rules on the floor of the 
House. A general debate ensued in which 
Augustus P. Gardner aired the grievances of 
those who were in open rebellion and William 
B. Cockran occupied "a middle ground ".'*^*^ 

22 



322 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Meanwhile the 'insurgents" were continu- 
ally at work trying to devise some satisfactory 
plan of changing the rules. On January 27th 
Colonel Hepburn announced that they had 
practically agreed to propose a group system of 
selecting committees as a method of curbing the 
dictatorial powers of the Speaker. According 
to this scheme Republican members would be 
divided into nine groups and the Democrats 
into six. Each group would name one member 
of the Committee on Rules. All other com- 
mittees would be appointed by the Committee 
on Rules, the selection of members to be based 
upon geographically grouped States, and each 
committee w^ould select its own chairman. 

To secure greater freedom in the considera- 
tion of measures it was proposed to set aside 
each Tuesday, except during the last six days 
of a session, when no business except that on 
the House Calendar and the Calendar of the 
Committee of the Whole House on the State of 
the Union should be in order. On "calendar 
Tuesdays" standing and special committees 
were to be called in regular order and each 
committee could call up any bill on either cal- 
endar reported by it the previous day. Unless 
all business had been disposed of, motions to 
adjourn, take a recess, or rise were not in order 
before four forty-five o'clock in the afternoon. 
Furthermore, on "calendar Tuesdays" general 



RULES OF THE HOUSE 323 

debate on a measure in the Committee of the 
A¥hole could be closed any time after the ex- 
piration of forty minutes. Proceedings under 
this rule could be suspended for the day by a 
two-thirds vote. 

By February 8th all plans for the crucial 
contest in the House were complete and the fol- 
lowing day twenty-nine Representatives intro- 
duced a resolution which embodied the provi- 
sions for "calendar Tuesday" and a Committee 
on Rules and Committees organized and em- 
powered in the manner suggested by the "in- 
surgents ' \'^^^ 

On February 18, 1909, near the close of 
twenty-two years of Congressional service, 
William P. Hepburn delivered his farewell ad- 
dress. Notice had been given that he would 
discuss the rules governing the conduct of busi- 
ness in the House of Representatives, and when 
he arose in his place every seat on the floor 
was occupied and the galleries were crowded. 
Never was the Colonel more eloquent. With 
biting satire, keen wit, and scathing ridicule he 
drove home his points against the arbitrary 
powers of the Speaker. The suggestion that 
the "insurgents" were assaulting the Reed 
rules he declared was a slander upon their pur- 
pose. The Reed rules were designed to stop 
filibustering, and that purpose was accom- 
plished by empowering the Speaker to deter- 



324 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

mine when motions were dilatory and confer- 
ring upon him the right to count a quorum 
from those present rather than from those 
voting. ^' There is not one of the Reed rules 
that I would change", said Hepburn, thankful 
that the House by that means had escaped from 
the power of an irresponsible mob. It was his 
hope that the House would also escape from the 
''undue and overgrown power of the Speaker". 
Not that the animadversions upon the Speaker 
were in any sense personal, for said he, "If we 
are to have a benevolent despot, then the benev- 
olent gentleman who is our despot would be my 
choice." It was not the man but the system 
against w^hicli he rebelled.'**'^ 

The Constitution contemplated the equality 
of Congressional constituencies and stood all 
Eepresentatives upon the same plane, investing 
them with the same amount of political power, 
no more and no less, Hepburn asserted. Ac- 
cording to practice, however, no Representative 
was able to deliver the message of his constitu- 
ents except w^ith the consent of ' ' the gentleman 
from the Danville district." In every other 
legislative convocation in the world the rule 
prevailed that the presiding officer should rec- 
ognize "that man upon whom his eye first 
rested", but in the House of Representatives of 
great, democratic United States, every member 
was made "a mendicant at the feet of the 



RULES OP THE HOUSE 325 

Speaker begging for the privilege" of doing his 
duty and, no matter how arbitrary the decision, 
upon the question of recognition "there is no 
appeal." 

Should a member desire to call up a bill for 
consideration by the House, the Colonel con- 
tinued, he "must negotiate with the Speaker", 
and if the measure does not meet his approval 
the Representative might be denied even the 
"poor advantage of appealing to the House 
for a two-thirds majority" in support of the 
proposition during the one day each month 
when motions to suspend the rules were in or- 
der. There should be one day every week, 
contended Hepburn, when the House would 
automatically take up the business on the cal- 
endars and by orderly procedure dispose of 

The most important object of the "insur- 
gents" was to deprive the Speaker of his in- 
ordinate power. With investigation, debate, 
and deliberation confined mostly to committee 
rooms and the disposition of Congressmen to 
rely more and more upon the conclusions of 
their colleagues in committee reports the im- 
portance of the absolute power of the Speaker 
to determine the membership of committees 
increased proportionally. Not only did the 
Speaker name the committees, but he deter- 
mined what bills should be referred to each. 



326 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

More than that, he selected the chairmen of the 
committees, who constituted a '' cabinet" of 
fifty or more safe Representatives who were 
absolutely loyal. Hepburn's remedy would 
have been to deprive the Speaker of the power 
of appointing committees and to authorize the 
committees to name their own chairmen. ^^- 

Another of the most obnoxious powers of the 
Speaker was that derived from his practice of 
interpreting the rules and the construction he 
placed upon precedents. Rules were made not 
by the will of the House, Hepburn declared, nor 
by the voice of the majority, but by interpre- 
tation and usage, until actual procedure had 
little semblance to the practice prescribed by 
the standing rules. 

''We hear it said often", continued the Colo- 
nel, ''that the majority of this House controls 
its legislation. I would like to ask anj;^ one of 
the distinguished gentlemen who compose the 
revered Committee on Rules, by what process 
the majority of this House would secure a 
change in the rules? I assert that there is no 
power against the will of the Committee on 
Rules and the Speaker. . . . We would intro- 
duce our resolution providing for the change. 
Where would it gol The Speaker, a member of 
the Committee on Rules, knowing the trust- 
worthy character of that admirable committee, 
would at once consign it to the Committee on 



RULES OF THE HOUSE 307 

Rules. All, it is easy to get into the Committee 
on Rules ; but by what hoist and by what petard 
would we get out of the Committee on Rules?" 

Colonel Hepburn dared not hope that there 
would be any change in rules during the Sixti- 
eth Congress ; but he was certain that every day 
of agitation would challenge the attention of 
more and more people and that the time would 
come when they would know how faithless their 
representatives had been in **the care and 
guardianship of representative democracy", 
and then there would be no difficulty in re- 
storing the Speaker to his Constitutional 
position. 

True to his prediction the resolution of the 
* ' insurgents ' ' was never reported to the House, 
although on March 1st, within four days of the 
end of the Sixtieth Congress, a meaningless 
amendment was adopted which provided for a 
calendar Wednesday each week (except the last 
two weeks of the session) when no business 
should be in order except the call of conmiit- 
tees. '^I want to congratulate the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania [Mr. Dalzell] and his two 
Republican associates upon the Committee on 
Rules. The gentleman sees light breaking. 
The gentleman sees, if not light, probably a 
storm breaking, and the gentleman is breaking 
for cover." These words of Colonel Hepburn 
were prophetic.^^^ 



XXX 

The End 

On March 4, 1909, the public career of William 
P. Hepburn came to an end. For more than 
half a century, a period almost coterminus with 
the golden age of the Republican party, he par- 
ticipated actively in political affairs. Sponsor 
of much of the most constructive legislation 
during the first decade of the twentieth cen- 
tury, he attained a high place in the councils of 
the nation. Always essentially honest, intrepid 
in his fidelity to principles, a zealous parti- 
san,-**^^ ever true to his convictions, able, ener- 
getic, an enemy of fraud and hypocrisy, 
absolutely faithful to friends, harsh with oppo- 
nents albeit he was quick to forgive mistakes 
in judgment, generous by nature,*"^^ an excep- 
tionally ready and forceful debater, pure in 
private life,^^® and respected by all who knew 
him. Colonel Hepburn was acknowledged for 
many years as one of the great men in the 
House of Representatives.^*'" 

In a pecuniary way he had comparatively 
little to show for his long service in public of- 
fice. The natural advantage of a seat in Con- 

328 



THE END 329 

gress was never utilized for private gain. 
Wealth seems to liave had little attraction for 
him. He managed to live within his salary and 
invested his savings in Iowa land. Aside from 
his home in Clarinda and a residence in Wash- 
ington he owned three hundred and ten acres in 
Page County and nine hundred and thirty 
acres in Decatnr County.^^^ 

He continually gave money to his children 
and grandchildren or made small loans to peo- 
ple he scarcely knew. All through life he 
seems to have retained the same scorn of pov- 
erty that he exhibited during the dark years of 
the Civil War. There are some people who 
must be poor, he wrote to Mrs. Hepburn in 
1863, "and of course it is better that it should 
be those with as light hearts as ours. Poverty 
is certainly not one of the curses when accom- 
panied with a philosophy that can patiently 
submit to it, or a blithesomeness of heart that 
can laugh at it. I would rather be poor and 
happy than a Croesus, and weighed down by 
the cares and fears of a millionaire."'**"'^ 

It was characteristic of the Colonel that he 
did not retire from Congress to a life of ease. 
He hoped that in the years which remained he 
could "by rising early and going to bed late" 
serve the friends to whom he owed so much. 
Though he had no expectation of ever again 
becoming a candidate for public office he did 



330 AA^ILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

want some employment tliat would make him 
independent. 

After a visit to Iowa and a few months of 
rest he decided, at the age of seventy-six, to 
resmne the practice of law, and early in De- 
cember, 1909, he opened an office in Washing- 
ton. His clients at first were not numerous, 
but they were good; and as time passed the 
number increased, so that his income greatly 
exceeded the compensation he had received as 
a Congressman. ^"^^ 

The defense of Harvey W. Wiley, Chief of 
the Bureau of Chemistry in the Department of 
Agriculture, was probably Hepburn's most in- 
teresting case. Through the efforts of unscru- 
pulous manufacturers to interfere with the 
enforcement of the pure food law. Dr. Wiley 
was maliciously accused of using his appoint- 
ing power in an irregular manner, and in July, 
1911, Attorney General George W. Wickersham 
endorsed a recommendation that he be dis- 
missed from the public service. Dr. Wiley im- 
mediately employed Colonel Hepburn to lay the 
evidence in the case before the President and 
to assist in the hearings before the Committee 
on Expenditures of the Department of Agri- 
culture. The complete vindication of Dr. Wiley 
is evidence that the Colonel was eminently suc- 
cessful.^'^ ^ 

While Hepburn had no desire for public of- 



THE END 331 

fice after 1909 he did maintain a lively interest 
in the welfare of the political party in which he 
had been a dominant fignre for more than fifty 
years. That he could not bear ''to see a herd 
of political pirates wreck the old party" was 
only natural. To him patriotism was synony- 
mous with Republicanism, and any act that 
threatened the prestige of the Republican 
party approximated treason. Absolutely hon- 
est himself, he saw no connection between the 
Republican party and the dangerous growth of 
capitalism. 

Always progressive in policies, though a 
Standpatter on principles. Colonel Hepburn 
was willing to "go a long way" toward con- 
ciliating the radical element of the party. 
Early in 1910, however, he realized that there 
was to be no peace between the liberal and con- 
servative factions. The Standpatters, he 
thought, should make a fight for the Taft ad- 
ministration, and if the Democrats secured a 
majority in the House of Representatives it 
would be the fault of the Progressives who 
would then leave the party and "purified re- 
publicanism" would reassert itself. ^"- 

The Republican State convention which met 
in Des Moines on Aug-ust 3rd developed into a 
contest between the Progressives and the 
Standpatters. The Progressives, with a ma- 
jority of about two hundred and fifty delegates 



332 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

headed by Senators Dolliver and Cummins — 
the most aggressive opponents of the Payne- 
Aldrich tariff and the severest critics of Re- 
publican leaders in Congress ^'^•'^ — were pre- 
pared to use steam-roller methods if necessary. 
The Standpatters, however, were undaunted. 
Under the leadership of William P. Hepburn, 
John F. Lacey, and George D. Perkins they 
contested every action of the convention from 
the election of Senator Dolliver as permanent 
chairman to the adoption of resolutions.'*'^"* 

Preceding the convention both the 'insur- 
gent" and "regular" delegates framed tenta- 
tive platforms, with the result that the com- 
mittee on resolutions, after three hours of 
debate, failed to reach an agreement. Colonel 
Hepburn, with "his gray hair bristling aggres- 
sively in every direction," read the minority 
report endorsing President Taft's approval of 
the Payne-Aldrich tariff and commending in 
glowing terms his prudent, business-like, and 
economical administration. The convention 
listened respectfully until the Colonel reached 
the final resolution which praised the Iowa 
delegation in Congress for supporting the 
President in his administrative and legislative 
policies. At that juncture some of the dele- 
gates began to hiss and the Progressives in all 
parts of the hall joined in an attempt to compel 
the Colonel to leave the platform. Pour times 



THE END 



333 



he read that last resohitioii, in his determina- 
tion to be heard, and then moved the adoption 
of the minority report. On the roll call that 
followed, five hnndred and sixty-eight dcleg-ates 
voted in favor of the unequivocal endorsement 
of President Taft and eight hundred and fifteen 
against it. Plopelessly outnumbered the ''old 
guard" went down in defeat before the rising 
tide of insurgency.'*'^ ^ 

The Payne- Aldrich tariff was the occasion 
for widespread disaffection among Republicans 
in 1910, but the more complete program of the 
Progressives, as announced by Theodore 
Roosevelt in his Osawatomie speech, included 
stringent regulation of big business by the Fed- 
eral government, a tariff commission, gradu- 
ated income and inheritance taxes, conserva- 
tion, legislation favorable to labor, and more 
direct participation of the j^^ople in govern- 
ment. Though Hepburn had sponsored much 
of the progressive legislation during Roose- 
velt's administration and led the "insurgents" 
in their efforts to dethrone the Speaker, he had 
no sympathy for radical political innovations 
such as Roosevelt and the National Progressive 
Republican League advocated in 1911. So 
when it became necessary to align himself with 
the progressive Republicans, who advocated 
many reforms the Colonel favored, or with the 
reactionary group, against whom he had often 



334 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

contended in Congress, the decision turned 
upon the acceptance or rejection of advanced 
political reforms and Colonel Hepburn chose to 
remain a "regular" Republican. He believed 
that radicalism had run its course, that the 
majority of people entertained more conserva- 
tive views, and that there was a "prospect for 
saner and safer methods than these extreme 
gentry" proposed if the Republican organiza- 
tion could be kept intact.^"^*^ 

As the Presidential campaign of 1912 ap- 
proached. Colonel Hepburn realized that the 
Republican party was "in a very serious con- 
dition, ' ' "Without under- rating the strength of 
rival candidates, he thought that Taft was the 
only man the party could hope to elect. While 
the President had made "several serious mis- 
takes" that justified criticism in the Colonel's 
opinion, his administration in the main had 
been successful. "He has kept fully abreast 
with the true progressiveness of his times", 
wrote Hepburn to a friend. "He has adminis- 
tered the law and enforced it more successfully 
than any of his predecessors. . . . It is only 
during his administration that illegitimate 
combinations have learned to fear the penalties 
of the statute. If there was nothing else to 
commend, the stand that he has taken and the 
progress that he has made toward universal 
peace among the nations and the elimination of 



THE END 335 

war lie would have the commendation of man- 
kind."^"' 

Of the other Presidential possibilities Sena- 
tor La Follette was alread}^ out. of the running. 
*'He has been abandoned by every prominent 
man among his supporters", declared Hepburn 
in February. The announcement of the can- 
didacy of Senator Cummins, he felt, was ''a 
fraudulent and dishonest effort to maintain his 
hold on the political machinery of the party in 
Iowa, that he may use it in a senatorial fight 
two years hence." 

Though Hepburn had great respect for 
Roosevelt, he confessed that he 'Svould not like 
to vote for him, or any man" who entertained 
the "sentiments expressed by him in his Osa- 
watomie speech" or in his address before the 
Ohio Constitutional Convention. Hepburn be- 
lieved that the initiative, referendum, and re- 
call were subversive of the whole system of 
representative government, and he did not 
want that fundamental principle changed. If 
Roosevelt should be nominated and the Repub- 
lican platform should embody those extreme 
doctrines he was at a loss to know where he 
would "find a place in the political future." 
He also recalled that there had been more Re- 
publican criticism of Roosevelt than of Taft 
and that Roosevelt had alienated many Catho- 
lic, Jewish, Negro, and labor voters. His 



336 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

election, the Colonel thought, "would be well 
nigh impossible", and "his nomination would 
very greatly jeopardise the continuation of the 
Republican party. " ^' ^ 

In April, 1912, Colonel Hepburn made a trip 
to Iowa for the special purpose of attending 
the Republican State convention that met in 
Cedar Rapids to select delegates-at-large to the 
national convention. As the Progressives had 
controlled the State convention in 1910 so now 
the conservative Republicans, with a majority 
of only forty-one delegates, under the leader- 
ship of Hepburn and Perkins, held the conven- 
tion firmly for Taft. "Cummins made a very 
gallant fight. He was a 'favorite son', and 
State pride — the possibility of having a Presi- 
dent from Iowa — was of considerable advan- 
tage to him". President Taft was not popular 
in Iowa, principally on account of his reciproc- 
ity and civil service ideas. There was little 
enthusiasm for him in the convention so that 
"the success of his supporters was the triumph 
of the party". Colonel Hepburn might have 
been one of the delegates to the national con- 
vention, but he felt that it was time the younger 
men were given some of the honors and conse- 
quently James F. Bryan, his former secretary, 
was selected.'*'^ 

Anxious that President Taft should be re- 
nominated, Colonel Hepburn journeyed to Chi- 



THE END ' 337 

cago in June to }3e present at the national Re- 
publican convention. Although he did not 
attend the sessions frequently he met a great 
many of his Iowa friends and was in a position 
to observe ''the stirring events" that occurred. 
''The Roosevelt fellows", he wrote to his 
grandson, "made a great cry about robbery of 
seats and about running the steam roller over 
Roosevelt's friends, but I think that Mr. 
Roosevelt's friends were as intent upon steal- 
ing delegates as any class of men in the city." 
Indeed, after the committee on credentials was 
appointed "the Roosevelt crowd only claimed 
. . . . that they were entitled to 78 of the 
[252] contested delegates, acknowledging there- 
by that 174 of their contests were fictitious and 
made solely as a basis for crying 'stop thief.' " 
Moreover, the committee on credentials was 
composed of as high-minded men as there were 
in the party, and "it was quite aggravating" to 
Colonel Hepburn "to sit quietlj^ by and hear 
such fellows as Flinn of Pittsburgh, and Heney 
of California, and Pinchot and Garfield, and 
the two Medills, and other peewees of that 
crowd calling these gentlemen thieves and rob- 
bers and scoundrels, and the President of the 
United States a receiver of stolen goods." 

Hepburn w^as not confident that Taft would 
be elected, but he thought the platform was 
good and if the Republicans were defeated they 

23 



338 WILLIAIM PETERS HEPBURN 

would at least have a program on which to 
''rally the true republicanism for future con- 
tests." He was hopeful that Roosevelt would 
"be able to organize a third party. It is the 
only way we can get rid of the guerillas and 
insurgents that are within the Republican 
ranks. "^«« 

The hopes and fears of Colonel Hepburn 
were realized in the organization of the Pro- 
gressive party in August and the disastrous 
results of the election in November. Two years 
later, however, he believed that the outlook for 
Republicanism was "most encouraging". So 
far as Iowa politics were concerned he saw 
only "one obstacle in the way of that complete 
harmony that is essential to future Republican 
success" — Mr. A. B. Cummins. For the first 
time in his life Colonel Hepburn "mutilated" 
his ballot and voted for the Democratic candi- 
date for Senator in 1914. He felt that there 
would never be harmony in the Republican 
party under the leadership of Senator Cum- 
mins and thought any action which would help 
to eliminate the Senator would contribute to 
the resuscitation of the party.'*^^ 

Thus, as intense loyalty to the Republican 
party forced Colonel Hepburn to take his place 
in the ranks of ultra-conservatives in 1910 and 
in 1912 to oppose the program of Theodore 
Roosevelt with whom he had worked harmoni- 



THE END 339 

oiisly many years, so it came to pass in 1914 
that lie was willing to break a lifelong habit by 
voting for a Democrat in order to defeat a Ee- 
piiblican Avhose leadership he believed was ini- 
mical to the interests of the party. 

During the closing years of his life William 
P. Hepburn seemed to retain all of his physical 
and mental vigor. Almost every snmmer he 
left his law office in Washington and jonrneyed 
to Iowa where he looked after his farms, talked 
politics with his neighbors in Clarinda, attend- 
ed conventions, and made speeches on special 
occasions.'*^- A witness of the development of 
Iowa and the nation during three-quarters of a 
century, Colonel Hepburn delighted in allowing 
his mind to wander back over the years that 
were past and in telling of the marvelous 
changes he had observed. Whether engaged in 
a chance conversation with a friend or in deliv- 
ering a public address his discussion of con- 
temporary problems was always forceful and 
incisive. •*^-'' 

Patriotism was the key word of a speech 
made in Sioux City on June 9, 1915, at an an- 
nual encampment of the Iowa department of 
the Grand Army of the Republic. "I do not 
speak of our broad territories, of our gentle 
climate, of our abounding harvests, of the 
plenty and the prosperity everywhere in the 
land, alone. But I speak of the liberty, I speak 



340 AVILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

of the opportmiities, I speak of that equality 
upon which tliis nation was founded", he said. 
x\t a time when men were denying the obliga- 
tion of the government to protect citizens of the 
United States in Mexico and on the high seas, 
Colonel Hepburn always declared that Amer- 
ican traditions taught the duty "to assert be- 
fore all the world" the dignity of the flag that 
"gave protection to every American and his 
property wherever he chose to go under God's 
sun." With the circumstances of the European 
conflict in mind he dared not hope that war 
would never come to America, but if it should 
he wanted the country to be prepared and "to 
stand by him that in lawful way we have made 
our Commander-in-Chief." For the old sol- 
diers the only sphere of usefulness to the na- 
tion seemed to be to teach the lessons of 
patriotism to sons and grandsons. '^^^ 

"It is not probable that occasions like this 
will come to us many times in the few remain- 
ing years", said Hepburn to his comrades. 
Little did he realize, however, that for him it 
was to be the last camp-fire he would ever at- 
tend. In November, 1915, as he was entering 
the eighty-third year of his life, he experienced 
a serious illness. A month later his health had 
improved so much that he began to think of 
returning to his law practice in Washington. 
Toward the end of January, however, his heart 



THE END 341 

suddenly weakened. For a week or more lie 
was able to be abont the bouse, entertaiuiiio' 
callers and attending to business matters witli 
bis accustomed cbeerfulness and keen judg- 
ment. On tbe morning of February 7, 1916, be 
did not feel able to be out of bed, and shortly 
after noon, while members of the family were 
at dinner. Colonel Hepburn died, as calmly as 
though he had fallen into a deep sleep.^^^ 

Three days later old friends gathered in 
Clarinda from far and near to pay their final 
respects to the honored pioneer, soldier, lawyer, 
and statesman. The body lay in state at the 
Methodist Church where, in the presence of a 
guard of honor, hundreds of people viewed his 
face for the last time. Late in the afternoon 
he was buried with impressive Masonic cere- 
monies in the Clarinda cemetery.'*^*' 

The words and deeds of William P. Hepl)ii]-ii 
depict his character and services so clearly that 
further interpretation seems superflous. Only 
a few contemporary estimates of the worth of 
the man and his work need to be recorded. 
People who knew him best were foremost in 
expressing appreciation of his achievements, 
respect for his aliility, admiration for his in- 
tegrity, and love for the man himself. 

Upon his personal character and moral cour- 
age there is no finer commentary than an inci- 



342 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

dent which occurred on a trip to a G. A. R. 
encampment. The old soldiers were telling 
stories and singing songs when someone started 
a ribald parody to the tune of the Battle Hymn 
of the Republic. Before there was time for 
applause or laughter Colonel Hepburn was on 
his feet singing in his melodious voice : 

In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the 

sea, 
With a glory in His bosom that transfigures you and 

me; 
As he died to make men holy, let us die to make men 

free ; 
While God is marching on. "^^"^ 

Newspapers in every part of the country 
published the news of his death and paid tribute 
to his statesmanship. "William P. Hepburn 
will be remembered", wrote the editor of the 
New York Tribune, "as a public man well out 
of the common rut. He had qualities which set 
him apart in the House of Representatives, in 
which body he exercised an influence based 
solely on his personal gifts and character. He 
never sought leadership in the ordinary sense. 
He never stooped to the arts which usually win 
that sort of recognition. He was no log-roller 
and he served no interests which could reward 
him by political advancement. He was his own 
master, and held his freedom as a public man 



THE END 343 

above any honors wliich subserviency to powers 
outside the House or submissiveness to the 
machine within it might bring him."'**'^^ 

A session of the district court in Clarinda 
was suspended while members of the Page 
County bar hekl a memorial service in honor of 
the oldest and most eminent of their number. 
Eloquent, indeed, were the tributes of the 
Colonel's former associates. Sympathy, gener- 
osity, sincerity, courage, frankness, honesty, 
patriotism, industry, and service were the qual- 
ities of his character most frequently men- 
tioned. "It can truthfully be said," according 
to the resolutions which were adopted, that 
during ''the many years which he gave to the 
service of his country, in the turmoil of war, 
and in the halls of legislation, he evinced a 
courage, an ability and concentration of 
thought and purpose that entitles him to the 
gratitude and consideration of his generation, 

and a permanent place in the history of his 

state. "^S9 

To his comrades in the Grand Army of the 
Republic the death of Colonel Hepburn meant 
the loss of "an honest, upright and conscien- 
tious man, who had positive convictions and the 
strength of character to stand by them," even 
if he was obliged to stand alone, a statesman 
who "not only gave his service to his country 
in time of its greatest need, but gave the best 



344 WILLIA]M PETERS HEPBURN 

part of his life to the service of his country in 
shaping its legislation in the interest of the 
whole nation", and a comrade to whom old sol- 
diers owed ''a debt of gratitude to honor his 
name for his interest in all legislation that 
would be helpful to his old comrades.""'^" 

The members of the Committee on Interstate 
and Foreign Commerce, over whose delibera- 
tions he presided "with dignity, impartiality 
and ability" felt a personal grief at the death 
of their colleague who had "left his impress 
upon the legislation and lives of his fellow men 
as few men have ever done in the history of the 
world. "^«i 

What James S. Clarkson characterized as 
"the truest, ablest and most sufficient tribute" 
to Colonel Hepburn — "a faithful portraiture 
of the man, his temperament and his character 
and personal attractions as w^ell as his great 
ability" — was delivered in Congress by Horace 
M. Towner. Colonel Hepburn, he said, was "a 
heroic figure. He belonged to a heroic age" 
and was "a typical representative of that pe- 
riod, stalwart, heroic, titanic. There was noth- 
ing little about him, either physically or men- 
tally. He was intolerant of the narrow view. 
He had no patience with the meannesses of life. 
He could not abide that attitude of mind, which 
has no outlook higher than personal advantage. 
He was subject to easy disparagement because 



THE END 345 

lie was contemptuous of criticism. He suffered 
defeat rather than subject himself to the hu- 
miliation of an explanation. He had none of 
the arts of the demagogue. If men supported 
him, it was because of his sterling worth". 
Devotedly, heroically, and passionately loyal to 
his party, to his country, and to his convictions 
"Pete" Hepburn will be remembered as an 
American pioneer, soldier, lawyer, and states- 
man.''^- 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 



347 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 

CHAPTER I 

1 William Peters Hepburn was named in honor of William 
Peters, an uncle by marriage to Marcia Catlett. 

sHildreth's Dragoon Campaigns to the Eocky Mountains, p. 
IS; Howe's Historical Collections of Ohio, Vol. I, p. 464. 

3 Letter from Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain to Benj. F. 
Shambaugh, dated September 23, 1917; Heitman's Historical 
Register and Dictionary of the United States Army. 17S9-1903, 
Vol. I, p. 525; Cullom's Biographical Register of the Officers 
and Graduates of the United States Military Academy, Vol. I, 
p. 192 ; memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain. 

The memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain consists of some manuscript notes con- 
taining much information on the ancestry and boyhood of 
William P. Hepburn, written by his wife and daughter at the 
request of the Superintendent of The State Historical Society 
of Iowa. 

* Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain; The Virginia Magazine of History and 
Biography, Vol. IX, p. 207. 

s McLaughlin 's Matthew Lyon, The Hampden of Congress, 
pp. 29, 38, 82, 113, 175, 194, 195, 205, 206, 207, 375, 473; A 
Biographical Congressional Directory, 1774-1903, p. 663. 

It has been asserted that to Matthew Lyon belongs the dis- 
tinction of being the only man elected to Congress from three 
different jurisdictions. 

349 



350 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

As a descendant of Matthew Lyon, W. P. Hepburn was 
eligible to membership in the Society of Sons of the American 
Eevolution; and he was elected to membership in the Iowa 
Society on September 5, 1893. — A National Register of the 
Society of Sons of the American Revolution, pp. 357, 363 ; The 
Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IT, p. 191. 

sAppleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, \o\. TV, 
pp. 4, 5. 

7 Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain; The Sioux City Journal, September 20, 
1908; Sharabaugh's Constitution and Records of the Claim As- 
sociation of Johnson County, pp. 168, 169. 

s The Sioux City Journal, September 20, 1908; Address to 
the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association in the Ion a House Jour- 
nal, 1915, p. 825. 

9 George S. Hampton was one of the early settlers in the 
vicinity of Iowa City. Honored and respected as a man, he 
became one of the leading citizens of Johnson County. His 
name is recorded as a licensed Baptist preacher, the first 
junior warden of Iowa City Lodge No. 4, A. F. & A. M., secre- 
tary of the Constitutional Convention of 1844, district prose- 
cuting attorney, regent of the Iowa City University, one of the 
organizers of the Iowa State Agricultural Society, and clerk of 
the Supreme Court for a number of years. — Aurner's Leading 
Events in Johnson County History, Vol. I, pp. 135, 243, 361, 
620; The Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. VI, pp. 196, 312; 
Aurner's History of Education in Iowa, Vol. Ill, p. 393, Vol. 
IV, p. 412. 

10 Shambaugh's Constitution and Records of the Claim Asso- 
ciation of Johnson County, pp. 91, 188, 191. 

11 jNIemoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain. 

12 The Sioux City Journal, September 20, 1908. 

13 Papers of the Mechanics' Academy, in the possession of 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 351 

The State Historical Society of Iowa; The Sioux Ciiy Journal, 
September 20, 1908; Aurner's Eistory of Education in Iowa, 
Vol. Ill, p. 392. 

14 The Sioux City Journal, Novemlior 9, 191.3. 

Dr. William Eeynolds was the first Superintendent of Pulilic 
Instruction in the Territory of Iowa. 

Hepburn always regarded Senator James Harlan as one of 
the great builders of the West. In the contest between Harlan 
and Allison for a place in the Senate, Hepburn worked for his 
favorite; and he thought that if Harlan could have been 
seated he would have become a world figure ranking with 
Gladstone. As the "most learned man" he had ever met, 
James Harlan became Hepburn's ideal statesman. — The 
Creston Adrertiscr-Gasette, September 16, 1904. 

15 Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain; Aurner's Leading Events in Johnson 
County History, Vol. I, p. 616. 

The story is told that when William P. Hepburn in 1907 re- 
quested the Department of State to issue him passports for a 
trip to Europe the papers were made out to ' ' Hon. Pete 
Hepburn" by a clerk who had never heard his true name. 

16 The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913. 

CHAPTER II 

17 M. J. Morsman was a physician who came to Iowa City 
from Castalia, Ohio, in 1845. In Iowa City he owned a drug 
store and practiced his profession. For many years he was a 
prominent citizen serving on the Johnson County board of 
supervisors and as vice president of the board of trustees of 
the State University of Iowa. He was mayor of Iowa City in 
1859 and president of The State Historical Society of Iowa in 
1869. — Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain; Daily Evening Reporter (Iowa City), 
June 26, 1856; The Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. VI, 
p. 213; Minutes of Annual Meetings of The State Historical 
Society, December 1, 1868, and December 7, 1869. 



352 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

18 Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Cliamberlain. 

19 The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913 ; A Biograph- 
ical Congressional Directory, 1774—1903, p. 593 ; newspaper 
clipping 19 in the Hepburn papers. The extended article in 
The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913, was written by Fred 
Davis in commemoration of William P. Hepburn's eightieth 
birthday. The data was furnished by Mr. Hepburn. 

The only academic recognition received by William P. Hep- 
burn in later life was on June 16, 1904, when the honorary 
degree of Doctor of Law's was conferred upon him by Cornell 
College (Iowa). — The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Founding of 
Cornell College, 1903, p. 294. 

20 The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913. 

21 Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. XIII, p. 269 ; New 
York Semi-WeeMy Trilnme, February 26, 1856; The Sioux City 
Journal, November 9, 1913; memoranda by Mrs. William P. 
Hepburn and Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain. 

22 Letter to Melvina A. Morsman, dated September IS, 1853 ; 
The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913. 

23 Letter to Melvina A. Morsman, dated January 8, 1854. 

24 Higgins, Beckwith, and Strother was one of the most reli- 
able law firms in Chicago. The offices were on the second floor 
of a building at 16 Dearborn Street. Both Mr. Higgins and 
Mr. Beckwith became judges, and Corydon Beckwith was for 
many years general solicitor of the Chicago and Alton Railroad. 
— Chicago Directory, 1855-1856; The Sioux City Journal, No- 
vember 9, 1913. 

25 Letter to Melvina A. Morsman, dated September 21, 1854. 

26 Letter to Melvina A. Morsman, dated November 7, 1854; 
The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913. 

Melvina A. Morsman entered the Methodisi: school at Mount 
Vernon, now Cornell College, about the same time that Hepburn 
went to Chicago. She had previously been enrolled in the pri- 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 353 

vate schools of Iowa City. When tlie State University of Iowa 
was opened in the spring of 1855 Miss Morsman was among the 
first students, attending classes in the building that had housed 
the Mechanics' Academy. — Memoranda by Mrs. William P. 
Hepburn and Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain. 

27 Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), October 8, 1858; The 
Sioux City Journal, September 20, 1908; Eecord of Natural- 
isation, 1855-1857, pp. 13, 26, in the office of County Clerk of 
Johnson County; Supreme Court Record "B" (Towa), p. 397. 

28 Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain. 

On October 4, 1855, William P. Hepburn took his first degree 
in Masonry; he was passed to the second degree two days later; 
and became a Master Mason on November 17, 1855. On June 

23, 1856, he demitted from the Iowa City lodge and became a 
charter member of Marshalltown Lodge No. 108, from which he 
demitted and became affiliated with Nodaway Lodge No. 140 
at Clarinda, Iowa, February 16, 1883. He received the Scot- 
tish Eite Degrees in the Bodies at Des Moines, September 21 to 

24, 1897. On December 27, 1901, he was coroneted 33° Hon- 
orary Inspector General by the Supreme Council at Washington, 
D. C. — Obituary letter by Henry Clark Alverson, Sovereign 
Grand Inspector General, to the Iowa Bodies of Scottish Rite 
Masons; Records of Iowa City Lodge No. 4, A. F. & A. M., 
in the Masonic Temple at Iowa City. 

CHAPTER III 

29 T7ie Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. IT, p. 311; 
memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret Hep- 
burn Chamberlain. 

Immediately after their wedding Mr. and Mrs. Hepburn 
drove with horses and carriage from Iowa City to Decorah. 
Never had they seen such perfect weather; never to them had 
there been a brighter autumn. At Decorah, where a land 
office had just been established, they hoped to find an opening 
for a lawyer, but when they arrived the town was so full of 

24 



354 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

land-seekers that not even a room was available in which they 
might live. Shortly after their return to Iowa City came the 
opportunity to settle in Marshalltown. 

30 Chapman's Out Where the West Begins, p. 1. 

31 Eight hundred dollars was the amount obtained from the 
sale of this land. — The Sioux City Journal, September 20, 
1908. 

32 Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain. 

33 Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain; The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 
1913. 

Si Iowa City JRepuhlican (Daily), June 11 and 19, 1856; The 
Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. XI, p. 240; Iowa City 
Directory and Advertiser, 1857, p. 8. 

William Bremner married Catherine Hampton and became 
Hepburn 's brother-in-law. May 24, 1860. — Marshalltown 
Times-Eepulilican, August 30, 1911. 

35 Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn and Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain. 

CHAPTER IV 

36 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IV, pp. 
487, 488, 494, 500, 508. 

37 In a letter to Thomas E. Powers, dated February 21, 1912, 
Hepburn declared that he was present at the first State Repub- 
lican convention in Iowa. 

38 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IV, pp. 
509, 512, 521, 522; Clark's Samuel Jordan Eirkwood, p. 88. 

39 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IV, p. 507; 
New York Semi-WeeMy Tribune, February 26, 1856. 

40 Letter to Thomas E. Powers, dated February 21, 1912; 
Constitution of Iowa, 1846, Art. VI, Sec. 5; Code of 1851, 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 355 

Sees. 163, 165, 169, 211, 239; A Biographical Congressional Di- 
rectory, 1774-1903, p. 593; The Iowa State Almanac, 1860, p 
26. 

ii Marietta Weekly Express, April 21 and May 12, 1858; 
letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated February 7, 1858. 

i^loioa House Journal, 1856-1857, p. 8; The Iowa State 
Almanac, 1860, pp. 21, 22, 23. 

Hepburn's majority of twenty-two votes was the largest 
received by any of the permanent officers of the House of Rep- 
resentatives in the Sixth General Assembly. — Iowa House 
Journal, 1856-1857, pp. 7-11. 

^3 Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), October 8, 1858. 

^i Iowa House Journal, 1858, pp. 3, 6, 77; The Creston Ad- 
vertiser-Gazette, September 16, 1904; letter to Mrs. William P. 
Hepburn, dated January 16, 1858. 

■45 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated January 19, 
1858. 

In the Marshall County Republican convention, held in Mar- 
shalltown on June 1, 1858, Hepburn was placed on the com- 
mittee to report resolutions as well as being selected a member 
of the county central committee and a delegate to the State 
and Congressional conventions in Iowa City the seventeenth 
and eighteenth of June. He acted as secretary of the Congres- 
sional convention and temporary assistant secretary of the 
State convention. — Marietta Weeldy Express, June 9, 1858; 
loica Weeliy Bepuhlican (Iowa City), June 23, 1858. 

CHAPTER V 

•iGBattin and Moserip's Fast and Present of Marshall Coun- 
ty, Iowa, Vol. I, p. 136; Iowa House Journal, 1858, pp. 577, 
578. 

i-! Marietta Weekly Express, March 10, 1858; Battin and 
Moserip's Fast and Present of Marshall Countv. Iowa, Vol. I, 
pp. 135, 137, 138. 



356 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

48 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated January 19, 
1858; Iowa Souse Journal, 1858, pp. 626, 627. 

^^ The Annals of loica (First Series), Vol. IX, p. 545; 
Battin and Moscrip 's Fast and Present of Marshall County, 
Iowa, Vol. I, p. 140; Marietta Weeldy Express, March 10, 17, 
and 24, 1858. 

so Battin and Moscrip 's Fast and Fresent of Marshall Coun- 
ty, Iowa, Vol. I, p. 140; Marietta WeeMy Express, April 28, 

1858. 

r.i Marietta TVeelly Express, May 12, 1858. 

^>~ The State ex rel. Eice v. the County Judge of Marshall 
County, 7 Iowa 186, at 194, 199. 

This was probably Hepburn's first case before the Supreme 
Court of Iowa. 

S3 Battin and Moscrip 's Past and Present of Marshall Coun- 
ty, Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 141, 142, 143, 144; The Marshall County 
Times (Marshalltown), March 30, 1859. 

s4 The Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. IX, pp. 589, 590; 
Marietta Weekly Express, January 19 and 26, 1859. 

55 Battin and Moscrip 's Fast and Present of Marshall Coun- 
ty, Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 145, 147, 151 ; The State ex rel. Eice v. 
William C. Smith, County Judge, 9 Iowa 334; Eice v. Smith, 
County Judge, and Dishon, 9 Iowa 570. 

CHAPTEE VI 

56 The Seventh General Assembly divided the State into 
eleven judicial districts. The counties of Hardin, Franklin, 
Hamilton, Wright, Hancock, Winnebago, Webster, Marshall, 
Story, Cerro Gordo, Worth, and Boone constituted the eleventh 
district. — Laws of Iowa, 1858, pp. 186, 187. 

57 Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 20, 1858. 

5S Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 20 and Sep- 
tember 10, 1858. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 357 

^-0 Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), September 17, 1858; 
Boone County News (Boonsboro), October 1, 1858; Gold- 
thwait's History of Boone County, Iowa, Vol. II, p. 428. 

60 Kirkwood and Butler were not present at all of the meet- 
ings.— 5oo>ie County News (Boonsboro), October 8, 1858. 

^^ Boone County News (Boonsboro), September 17 and Octo- 
ber 8, 1858; Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), October 1 
and 8, 1858. 

62 The Iowa State Almanac, 1860, p. 48; Laws of Iowa, 1858, 
pp. 201-203; Peterson's Selection of Public Officials in Iowa 
in the lotva Applied History Series, Vol. II, p. 337. 

63 In 1859 there was no county in the eleventh judicial dis- 
trict of Iowa which had a population of more than six thou- 
sand, while five counties contained less than one thousand 
inhabitants. — The Iowa State Almanac, 1860, pp. 25, 26. 

e* The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913; The Marshall 
County Times (Marshalltown), May 11, 1859. 

65 r/ie Iowa Citi~en (Des Moines), June 29, 1859; The An- 
7ials of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. VIII, p. 217. 

66 The Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. IX, pp. 256-261; 
Shambaugh's Messai/es and Proclamations of the Governors of 
Iowa, Vol. II. pp. 235, 236. 

67 Mr. Hepburn was elected temporary Chief Clerk of the 
House of Representatives in the Eighth General Assembly. — 
loica House Journal, 1860, p. 3. 

68 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated January 9, 
1860; The Aymals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. IX, pp. 402, 
403, 404, 415, 418, 419. 

69 Ray's The Convention that Nominated Lincoln, pp. 16, 19, 
29-33; Proceedings of the First Three BepuhUcan National 
Conventions, pp. 149, 154, 174; The Iowa State Bcgistcr (Des 
Moines), May 23, 1860. 

70 Ray's The Convention that Nominated Lincoln, p. 35; 



358 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

swamp land contracts in the Hepburn papers; letter to Mrs. 
William P. Hepburn, dated August 24, 1863; memoranda by 
Mrs. William P. Hepburn. 

From Governor Kirkwood, Hepburn carried a letter of intro- 
duction endorsing his agency to influential men in Washington. 
A year later Kirkwood recommended that, inasmuch as the 
United States would "probably recognize only the agent or 
agents of the State ' ' in the settlement of the swamp land 
question, such persons should be appointed. — Letter from J. S. 
Wilson to James Harlan, dated February 25, 1S61; Sham- 
baugh's Messages and Prodamations of the Governors of Iowa, 
Vol. II, p. 294. 

CHAPTER VII 

T^War of the Betellion: Official Becords, Series III, Vol. I, 
pp. 55, 57, 127, 128; Clark's Samuel Jordan Kirkwood, pp. 
184, 185; The Soiith-Tier Democrat (Corydon), April 17, 1861. 

72 The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913 ; memoranda by 
Mrs. William P. Hepburn. 

73 The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913 ; letter from 
N. B. Baker, dated July 30, 1861. 

Governor Kirkwood was notified on July 24, 1861, that an 
additional regiment of cavalry would be accepted from Iowa. 
The Second Iowa Volunteer Cavalry was ordered to rendezvous 
at Davenport, and the colonel was to be appointed by the War 
Department. Captain Hepburn 's company was the second to 
be accepted for the regiment. — War of the BebelUon : Official 
Becords, Series III, Vol. I, p. 346. See also Beport of the Ad- 
jutant General of Iowa, 1861, pp. 380-408. 

7i Tlie Sioux City Journal, September 20, 1908, November 9, 
1913; freight bill of the Mississippi and Missouri Railroad, 
dated August 15, 1861, in the Hepburn papers. 

75 Company B was mustered into the United States service on 
August 31, 1861, by Captain Alexander Chambers. — See cer- 
tificate of rejections from Company B, Second Iowa Cavalry, 
in the Hepburn papers. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 359 

'0 Letters to Mrs. 'Williain P. TTopburn, dated Aujjust 20 and 
23, 1861; Pierce's History of the Second Iowa Cavalry, p. 10; 
Report of the Adjutant General of Iowa, 1S61, p. 385. 

"7 Letters to Mrs. William P. Heplnirn, dated August 30 and 
September 4, 1861; Eoster and Record of Iowa Soldiers in the 
War of the Rebellion, Vol. IV, p. 235; Pierce's History of the 
Second Iowa Cavalry, p. 10. 

1^ The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913; Roster and 
Record of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the Rebellion, Vol. IV, 
p. 215. 

70 Pierce's History of the Second Iowa Cavalry, pp. 10, 11. 

80 At St. Louis the officers were quartered outside of the 
camp lines, so that it was possible for Mrs. Hepburn to be 
with her husband. She had been present also when the regiment 
was in camp at Davenport. — Letter from M. S. Hazard, dated 
October 18, 1861; letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated 
December 17, 1861, and February 20, 1862. 

81 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated December 17, 
1861; invoices of ordnance issued to William P. Hepburn, 
dated December 14, 1861, February 11 and April 23, 1862, in 
the Hepburn papers; Special Orders, No. 107, issued by order 
of W. T. Sherman on December 30, 1861, in the Hepburn 
papers. 

CHAPTER VIII 

82 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated February 20 
and March 7, 1862; Pierce's History of the Second Iowa Cav- 
alry, pp. 12, 13. 

83 War of the ReheWwn: Official Records, Series I, Vol. VIII, 
p. 95; Pi erce's History of the Second Town Cavalry, pp. 13. 14; 
letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated March 7 and 9, 1862. 

84 Force's From Fort Henry to Corinth, pp. 67. 73; War of 
the Relellion: Official Records. Series I, Vol. VIIT, pp. 79. 80, 
82, 94; letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated March 22, 
1862. 



360 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

85 Force's From Fort Henry to Corinth, p. 69; War of the 
Eehellion: Official Becords, Series I, Vol. VIII, pp. 82, 83, 606; 
Pierce's History of the Second Iowa Cavalry, p. 15; letters to 
Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated March 12 and 14, 1SG2. 

86 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated March 22, 1862. 

87 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated March 18, 27, 
and 30, 1862. 

88 War of the Rebellion : Offlcial Becords, Series I, Vol. VIII, 
pp. 86, 87, 88. See also Memoranda on the Civil War, by J. 
W. Bissell, commander of the regiment of engineers which 
built the canal, in The Century Magazine (New Series), Vol. 
VIII, pp. 324-327. 

89 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated April 11, 1862; 
Pierce's History of the Second loica Cavalry, p. 16; War of the 
Behellion: Official Becords, Series I, Vol. VIII, pp. 118, 119. 

90 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated April 11, 1862. 

CHAPTER IX 

91 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated April 21, 1862; 
Rhodes 's History of the United States, 1850-1877, \o\. Ill, pp. 
625, 628. 

92 Sometime in May stories of Hepburn's "arrest", "drunk- 
enness ' ', and threatened ' ' dismissal from service ' ' were cur- 
rent in Iowa City arising, he explained, from charges that on 
the evening of the twelfth of April he had been intoxicated, 
had used abusive language to Lieutenant Samuel Foster, and 
had treated Brigadier General Schuyler Hamilton and Colonel 
Nicholas Perczel with disrespect. These accusations, however, 
were repudiated by both Hamilton and Perczel so emphatically 
that the whole affair was made to appear a conspiracy of 
jealous subordinates. — Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, 
dated June 26, 1862. 

93 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated April 18 and 
May 2, 1862. That Grant was to blame for the appalling loss 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 361 

of life in the battle of Shiloh was the ix^neral opinion throu«Th- 
out the North and especially in the Western States whence 
came most of the regiments engaged. It was Hepburn's opin- 
ion that only the "Providential death" of General Albert S. 
Johnston saved the Union army from annihilation. — Letter to 
Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated May 2, 1862. 

94 The cavalry troops of the Army of the Mississippi during 
the siege of Corinth consisted of the Seventh Illinois, the Sec- 
ond Iowa, and the Second and Third Michigan regiments. The 
Second Iowa Cavalry and the Second Michigan Cavalry were 
brigaded together, first under Colonel W. L. Elliott and later 
under Colonel P. H. Sheridan. — War of the EehelUon : Official 
Eecords, Series I, Vol. X, Pt. 1, p. 799, Pt. 2, p. 187, Vol. 
XVII, p. 17. 

fls War of the Bebellion : Official Eecords, Series I, Vol. X, 
Pt. 1, pp. 727, 734. 

96 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated April 24, 1S62. 

9T Between April 22nd and May 9th the Second Iowa Cav- 
alry participated in several reconnoissances. Colonel p]lliott 
placed Hepburn and his battalion at the head of a column that 
was pushed out to a new position on the Corinth road on April 
24th; for several days following the Second Iowa "was con- 
tinually scouring the country toward Monterey." On April 
29th the regiment made a reeonnoissanee in force wliicli drove 
the enemy from Monterey, Hepburn leading the charge upon 
the rebel camp. Four days later the whole regiment under 
Lieutenant Colonel Hatch made a raid through the Confederate 
lines, cut the enemy's communication with Corinth on the 
Memphis and Charleston Eailroad, and captured four prison- 
ers and ten mules. In the skirmishes on May 8th the enemy 
was found in large force at almost every point, which indi- 
cated that Beauregard was preparing for battle. — H'tir of the 
EeheUion: Official Eecords, Series T, Vol. X. Pt. 1, pp. 727, 
728, 808; letters to Mrs. William P. Hopburn, dated April 24 
and May 2, 1862. 

9sWar of the EebclHon: Official Eecords, Series I. Vol. X, 



362 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Pt. 1, pp. 729, 736, 737, 804, 805, 811; The Annals of loiva 
(Third Series), Vol. VI, pp. 444-446; letter to Mrs. William P. 
Hepburn, dated May 10, 1862. 

99 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated May 10, 1862; 
Pierce's History of the Second loiva Cavalry, p. 23. 

100 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated May 12 and 
20, 1862; Personal Memoirs of P. H. Sheridan, Vol. I, pp. 141, 
153. 

101 The fighting around Corinth in the latter part of May 
was, in some phases, not unlike the trench warfare in the 
World War. "Our entrenchments", wrote Hepburn, "occupy 
a continuous line of thirteen and one-quarter miles • — well 
built — and in many places presenting double lines. Behind 
these entrenchments are mounted Three Hundred and Seventy 
guns — ranging from the light field six pounder to the mam- 
moth hundred pound Parrott, the range of which is known to 
be not less than Seven Thousand yards. ' ' — Letter to Mrs. 
William P. Hepburn, dated May 27, 1862. 

102 While part of the Second Iowa Cavalry was burning the 
train and tearing up the tracks at Booneville, Hepburn 's bat- 
talion was held in reserve as a protection against enemy cav- 
alry. — TVar of the Eehellion : Official Bccords, Series I, Vol. X, 
Pt. 1, p. 864. 

103 JTor of the Eehellion: Official Becords, Series I, Vol. X, 
Pt. 1, pp. 731, 774, 862-865; letter to Mrs. William P. Hep- 
burn, dated June 1, 1862. 

10-1 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated July 12, 1862. 

105 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated June 7, 1862. 

loe Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated June 17, 1862; 
application by William P. Hepburn for thirty days leave of 
absence from military duty, dated June 15, 1862, in the Hep- 
burn papers. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 353 

CHAPTER X 

lOT Letters to Mrs. William P. Ilcpl.urn, dated May 14, 20, 
and 27, and June 17, 1862. 

Major Hepburn stated in his request for a leave of absence 
that his presence in Iowa was necessary to "procure a com- 
fortable home for his wife and children" and to appear as 
plaintiff in a law suit "involving- the title to 160 acres of 
valuable land" which if not successfully maintained Avould 
cause him "considerable pecuniary loss." Having been of 
the opinion when he enlisted that the war Avould end in less 
than a year he had ' ' failed to put his business matters in such 
shape as he would have done, had he supposed his services 
would have been needed for a longer period than a twelve- 
month". — Application by William P. Hepburn for thirty days 
leave of absence from military duty, dated June 15, 1862, in 
the Hepburn papers. 

108 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated June 17 and 
26, 1862. 

109 Personal Memoirs of P. H. Sheridan, Vol. I, p. 153; let- 
ters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated July 7 and 30, 1862; 
War of the Eehellion: Official Eecords, Series I, Vol. XVII, 
pp. 17-20. 

110 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated July 12, 1862. 

111 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated July 17, 24, 
and 25, 1862. 

112 Eirltcood Military Letter Book, X^o. 2, p. 324; War of 
the Rebellion: Official Hecords, Series I, Vol. XX, Pt. 2, p. 94; 
letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated November 17, 1862. 

113 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated July 30, 1862; 
letter to Samuel J. Kirkwood, dated August 13, 1862; letter 
from G. Granger to Samuel J. Kirkwood, endorsed by D. S. 
Stanley and W. S. Eosecrans, dated August 12, 1862; letter 
from P. H. Sheridan to Samuel J. Kirkwood, dated August 12, 
1862; letter from Datus E. Coon to Samuel J. Kirkwood, 



364 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

dated August 12, 1862; letter from C. G. Trusdell to Samuel 
J. Kirkwood, dated August 9, 1862 ; letter from Charles P. 
Moore to Samuel J. Kirkwood, dated August 12, 1862; letter 
from Paul A. Queal to Samuel J. Kirkwood, dated August 12, 
1862; letter from William C. Russell to Samuel J. Kirkwood, 
dated August 13, 1862. 

114 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated August 24 and 
September 5, 1862. 

Major Hepburn shared the belief of other army men that 
Governor Kirkwood was making military appointments for po- 
litical purposes. ' ' He ouglit to remember ' ', wrote Hepburn 
to his wife, "that at this moment there is a latent treason in 
the hearts of the men composing the army more terrible to the 
interests of the Eepublic than that of Jeff Davis and his co- 
adjutors. There is no doubt but that the question of a mili- 
tary Dictatorship is being generally discussed by military men, 
and there is no disguising the fact that there is a growing 
feeling in favor of pursuing such a course as will entirely 
destroy the influence and poAver of the demagogues at home 
. . . . The only hesitation or question is 'Who is the man' 
— a question that is asked a thousand times every day." — 
Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated September 5, 1862. 

lis Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated August 15 
and 28, and September 2, 1862. 

iiGHosmer's The Appeal to Arms, pp. 222, 22.3; War of the 
BeheUion: Official Tucords, Series I, A^ol. XVL Pt. 2, pp. 417, 
482. 

Hepburn always retained the admiration and respect for 
Rosecrans that he felt upon their first acquaintance. ' ' I some- 
times grow restive", he said years after the war, "under the 
unjust criticism, born of unfair comparison, that has been 
meted out to Gen. Rosecrans, working to him a cruel injustice 
. . . . among all of the great men whose names adorn our 
history there is not one more justly entitled to the loving rev- 
erence and the earnest admiration of the patriot, than he 
whose fortune it was to lose the battle of Chickamauga but 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 365 

whose fortune it was to write himself ui)on the recognition of 
all who knew him, as the friend of his troops, the friend of his 
country, the friend of liis race — wise in the council — heroic 
on the field. ' '— Memorial Day address in the Hepburn papers. 
117 Special Orders, No. 47, issued by order of Gordon Gran- 
ger, September 6, 1862, in the Hepburn papers; letters to Mrs. 
William P. Hepburn, dated September 10 and 17, 1S()2. 

lis When the Confederates were driven from luka a slave 
described as being "six feet in height. Black and twenty two 
years of age" was set free and became Major Hepburn's body 
servant. He assumed the name of Peter Hepburn. — A procla- 
mation emancipating Peter Hepburn, issued by order of W. S. 
Eosecrans on July 7, 1863, in the Hepburn papers. 

iiu IFar of the EebeUion : Official Eecords, Series I, Vol. 
XYI, Pt. 2, p. 783, Vol. XVII, pp. 166-170; lorva Historical 
Eecord, Vol. Ill, pp. 543-552 ; letters to Mrs. William P. Hep- 
burn, dated September 17, 21, and 22, and October 4, 1862. 

The excitement of the battle of Corinth cured Major Hep- 
burn of an attack of ague, although it left him very weak. — 
Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated October 4, 1862. 

120 War of the Eehellion : Official Secords, Series I, Vol. 
XVT, Pt. 2, pp. 641, 642, 654, 655; letters to Mrs. William P. 
Hepburn, dated September 24 and November 8 and 10, 1862. 

121 War of the Rebellion: Official Records, Series I, Vol. XX, 
Pt. 2, p. 94; letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated No- 
vember 17 and December 19, 1862. 

122 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated December 9, 

1862, February 10 and April 24, 1863; Special Orders, No. 39, 
issued by command of Major General Roseerans, February 8, 

1863, in the Hepburn papers; Special Field Orders, No. 77, 
issued by command of Major General Eosecrans on March 21, 
1863, in the Hepburn papers. 

As a result of hard riding and exposure Heplmrn was ill 
from Christmas, 1862, until nearly the first of February, 1863. 
He was not present at the battle of Murfreesboro where the 



366 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

mortality of officers was unusuall}^ great. — Letter to Mrs. 
William P. Hepburn, dated January 4, 1863. 

123 Letters from Glaus C. Euus, dated December 10, 1862, 
and March 3, 1863; letter from John V. McDuffie, dated 
January 24, 1863; letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated 
June 21, 1863; War of the Eebellion: Official Records, Series I 
Vol. XXIII, Pt. 2, p. 530. 

CHAPTER XI 

124 Between the time he left Nashville and the date when he 
reported at regimental headquarters at La Grange, Tennessee, 
Hepburn made a brief visit to Iowa. It was the first time he 
had been home since he enlisted two years before. — Letter to 
Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated August 4, 1863. 

^25 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated August 4, 
1863; War of the Eebellion : Official Records, Series I, Vol. 
XXX, Pt. 3, p. 664. 

When Hepburn reported for duty the Second Iowa Cavalry 
together with the Third Michigan and First West Tennessee 
cavalry regiments constituted the Second Brigade in the cav- 
alry division of the Sixteenth Army Corps. On August 20th 
the Second Iowa Cavalry was brigaded with the Fourth, Sixth, 
and Seventh Illinois cavalry regiments and the Third United 
States Battalion to form the Third Brigade, Colonel Edward 
Hatch commanding. Major General Stephen A. Hurlbut com- 
manded the Sixteenth Army Corps with headquarters at Mem- 
phis, Tennessee, and the cavalry division was under Brigadier 
General Benjamin H. Grierson. — War of the Rebellion: Of- 
ficial Records, Series I, Vol. XXIV, Pt. 3, pp. 454-456, Vol. 
XXX, Pt. 3, pp. 82, 83. 

126 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated August 4 
and 16, 1863. 

127 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated August 24, 
September 14, and October 8, 1863. 

128 Colonel Hatch was at this time in command of a cavalry 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 357 

division and Hepburn was the ranking officer in his brigade.— 
Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated October 8, 1863. 

123 Letter to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated October 8, 
1863; Pierce's History of the Second Iowa Cavalry, pp. 68-72; 
War of the Bebellion: Official Eecords, Series I, Vol. XXXI 
Pt. 1, pp. 244-246, 248, 249. 

130 Pierce's History of the Second Iowa Cavalry, pp. 73-80; 
War of the Rebellion: Official Eecords, Series II, Vol. VI, p. 
531; Special Orders, Xos. 4 and 31, issued .January 4 and 27, 
1864, by order of S. A. Hurlbut, in the Hepburn papers. 

131 A manuscript account of the Meridian expedition, by 
William Sooy Smith, pp. 2, 4, 6, 8, 11, 12, in the Hepburn 
papers; War of the Eebellion: Official Eecords, Series I, Vol. 
XXXII, Pt. 1, pp. 193, 194, 252, 253, 290-293. 

The Second Brigade consisted of the Second Iowa Cavalry, 
the Sixth, Seventh, and Ninth Illinois cavalry regiments, Bat- 
tery K of the First Illinois Light Artillery, and two companies 
of the pioneer corps — in all twenty-nine hundred strong. — 
War of the Eebellion: Official Eecords, Series I, Vol. XXXII, 
Pt. 1, p. 290. 

132 ItFar of the Eebellion: Official Eecords, Series I, Vol. 
XXXII, Pt. 1, pp. 258, 259; Pierce's History of the Second 
Iowa Cavalry, p. 87. 

133 iJos^er and Eecord of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the 
Eebellion, Vol. IV, pp. 228, 235; Beport of the Adjutant Gen- 
eral of Iowa, 1864r-1865, p. 215; Pierce's History of the Sec- 
ond Iowa Cavalry, pp. 92, 95; War of the Eebellion: Official 
Eecords, Series I, Vol. XXXII, Pt. 1, pp. 581, 582, Pt. 3, pp. 
285, 346, 347, 487, 566, Series II, Vol. VII, p. 716; letters to 
Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated April 9 and 15, 1864; letter 
from Glaus C. Runs to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated April 
2, 1864; Special Orders, No. 59, issued March 24, 1864, by 
order of B. H. Grierson, in the Hepburn papers; Special Or- 
ders, No. 2, issued April 25, 1864, No. 32, issued May 25, 
1864, No. 42, issued June 4, 1864, No. 66, issued June 28, 



368 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

1864, No. 92, issued July 25, 1864, by order of C. C. Wash- 
burn, in the Hepburn papers; a petition of the officers of the 
i:)rovisional cavalry regiment, dated May 16, 1864, in the 
Hepburn papers. 

CHAPTER XII 

134 Memoranda by Mrs. William P. Hepburn; The Sioux 
City Journal, November 9, 1913; letter from Fannie Hepburn 
to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated December 6, 1864. 

William P. Hepburn had two law partners in Memphis, B. A. 
Massey and Harry S. Lee. His immediate family at this time 
consisted of Mrs. Hepburn and three children — Edith aged 
eight, Frank aged six, and Margaret aged two. Another son, 
Charles, was born in 1868 ; and another daughter. Bertha, who 
died in infancy, was born in 1871. — Letter from B. A. Massey 
to W. C. Postal, dated Alarch 26, 1865; business card of Hep- 
burn and Lee in the Hepburn papers. 

135 Letter from C. G. Trusdell, dated July 27, 1865; letter 
from S. B. Beaumont, dated September 13, 1865. 

13G Letter from Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated October 1, 
1865; letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated October 15, 

1865, and February 12, 1866. 

137 Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated January 25, 
June 3, and September 18, 1866, and April 30, 1867. 

13S Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated October 15, 
1865, and November 24, 1866. 

In November, 1865, and again in the spring of 1867 Hep- 
burn thought of entering the ministry. He was restrained, 
however, by the dread of hardships which his family might 
suffer and a doubt of his own qualifications for that profession. 
— Letters to Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated November 2 
and 17, 1865; letter from Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated 
March 23, 1867. 

139 Letter from Mrs. William P. Hepburn, dated May 3, 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 369 

1867; The Sioux City Journal, Novonibor 9, 1913; The ClarincJa 
Journal. February 24, 191G. 

In 1867 Qarincla contained about seven hundred inhabitants. 
Within a few years Colonel Hepburn purchased the site he had 
admired the day he entered Clarinda for the first time, and 
upon it he built the house he called home the remainder of his 
life. — The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913. 

140 In March, 1868, Hepburn leased his newspaper interests 
to W. E. Loy and in June, 1869, sold out to Georjje H. Powers. 
— History of Pacje County, Iowa (Iowa Historical Company), 
p. 536. 

141 The Creston Advertiser-Ga~ette, September 16, 1964; 
JVeelly Iowa State Eer/ister (Des Moines), August 26, 1868; 
History of Page County, Iowa (Iowa Historical Company), pp. 
742, 753. 

Warren F. Thummel and Edith C. Hepburn were married on 
May 13, 1875. — History of Page County, Iowa (Iowa His- 
torical Company), p. 753. 

142 The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913; The Clarinda 
Journal, February 17, 1916; Proceedings of the Iowa State 
Bar Association, 1874-1881, pp. 40, 50, 61; Scrap Boole, p. 8, 
in the Hepburn papers; see also the Iowa Supreme Court He- 
ports, Vols. XXIX-LV. 

143 It was during this period also that Colonel Hepburn exer- 
cised his inventive genius. On June 15, 1869, he obtained a 
patent upon a stove drum described as a number of hollow 
angular sections united to vertical sections arranged between 
the fire bed and the escape pipe for the products of combus- 
tion. — Eeport of the Commissioner of Patents in Executive 
Documents, 41st Congress, 2nd Session, Vol. II, p. 272, Vol. 
Ill, p. 664. 

144 Weekly Iowa State Eegister (Des Moines), April 7, 
1869; History of Page County, Iowa (Iowa Historical Com- 
pany), pp. 406, 407, 408; receipt for railroad subscription and 
donation, dated June 26, 1872, in the Hepburn papers. 

25 



370 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

The town of Hepburn, Iowa, located on the old Brownville 
and Nodaway Valley Railroad, is the living evidence of the 
work and influence of Colonel Hepburn in bringing about the 
construction of the first railroad into Clarinda. 

145 It is alleged that this was the only speech he ever read 
from manuscript. In pleading before juries and in addresses 
on the floor of the House of Representatives he was accus- 
tomed to speak from penciled notes jotted upon slips of paper. 
— The Clarinda Journal, February 24, 1916. The Hepburn 
papers contain a number of the Colonel's speeches in the form 
of notes. 

146 The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913. 

T-iT Weekly Iowa State Register (Des Moines), May 13 and 
27, and October 21 and 28, 1868. 

iis The Marshall County Times (Marshalltown), May 8, 
1869; WeeMy Iowa State Register (Des Moines), June 9, 1869. 

149 Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), June 8, 1870, 
and July 19 and August 9, 1872; The Clarinda Herald, Febru- 
ary 7, 1905; clipping 65 in the Hepburn papers. 

isoHaynes's Third Party Movements, pp. 28, 29; Weekly 
Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), October 30, 1874, and 
June 2, 1876. 

I'l Weekly Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), June 2 and 
November 3, 1876, and May 11, 1877; Appletons' Cyclopaedia 
of American Biography, Vol. Ill, p. 137. 

CHAPTER XIII 

''^52 Mills County Bepullican, August 20, 1880; Weekly Iowa 
State Begister (Des Moines), dated March 26, April 9 and 
23, and August 6, 1880; Iowa Official Begister, 1915-1916, pp. 
83, 847. 

153 The Clarinda Herald, August 18, 1880. 

i^i Lenox Time Table, August 20, 1880; Shenandoah Be- 
porter, August 20, 1880; The Messenger (Atlantic), August 



NOTES AND KEPERENCES 371 

21, LS80; The Clarinda Herald, August 18, 1880; Emerson 
Chronicle, August 20, 1880. 

155 Scrap Bool:, pp. 10, 23, 24, in the Hepburn papers. Most 
of the material in this chapter is taken from newspaper clip- 
pings in a scrap book compiled by Miss Fannie Hepburn in 

1880. 

130 ;rec7,?7/ Iowa State Eegister (Dos Moines), August 27, 
1880; Scrap Bool; pp. 8, 15, 20, 21, 28, 35, 47. 

157 Scrap Bool, pp. 15, IG, 33, 34, 39; Fairall's Manual of 
Iowa Politics, 1882, p. 50. 

On August 25th Hepburn attended the Republican State 
convention and was responsible for the nomination of Smith 
McPhersou as Attorney General of Iowa. — U'celly Iowa State 
Begister (Des Moines), August 27, 1880. 

According to the official returns Hepburn received 24.358 
votes; the Democratic candidate, Robert Percival, ran second 
with 12,984; while H. C. Ayers, the Greenbackcr, was credited 
with 5920.— Fairall's Manual of loioa Politics, 1882, p. 50. 

158 James A. Garfield was chief of staff under W. S. Rose- 
crans in 1863, while Hepburn was inspector of cavalry. Gen- 
eral Rosecrans entered Congress for two terms at the same 
time Hepburn did. In 1902 Colonel Hepburn acted as chair- 
man of the Congressional committee that attended the cere- 
monies on the occasion of the re-burial of General Rosecrans 
in Arlington Cemetery. — Congressional Becord, 57th Congress, 
1st Session, p. 3993. 

159 Letter from William P. Hepburn, dated February 5, 
1881; letter from Samuel J. Kirkwood, dated December 5, 
1880; Weelhj Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), December 2, 
1881; Congressional Becord, 47th Congress, 1st Session, p. 9. 

In June, 1881, William P. Hepburn was one of the com- 
mittee to examine candidates for admission to the bar from 
the class of 1881 in the State University of Iowa. — Notice of 
appointment as law examiner, dated June 7, 1881, in the Hep- 
burn papers. 



372 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

When Colonel Hepburn entered Congress he resolved to de- 
vote his whole energy to the duties of his office. Although the 
law firm of Hepburn and Thummel continued to exist for a 
few years and the senior member was sometimes called upon 
for advice, he never allowed himself to be drawn into active 
practice. — The Creston Advertiser-Gas ette, September 16, 
1904; letters from Warren F. Thummel, dated January 2, 
1SS3, and February 10, 1884. 

CHAPTER XJN 

160 Congressional Record, 47th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
5056, 5057. 

161 As an example of Hepburn 's attitude toward public 
economy his speech on January 8, 1887, may be cited. He op- 
posed the erection of a $500,000 government building in 
Charleston, South Carolina, because a two million dollar custom 
house was already located in that city and because it seemed 
to be a bad policy to build permanent structures in a lo- 
cality subject to earthquakes. He invited comparison of the 
situation in Charleston with the magnificent prospects of 
Sioux City where the United States had refused to erect a 
building. On other occasions he maintained the same jjosition 
in respect to useless expenditures. — Congressional Record, 47th 
Congress, 2nd Session, p. 1468, 49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
1408, 6302, 2nd Session, Appendix, pp. 21, 22. 

162 Congressional Record, 47th Congress, 2ud Session, p. 3447, 
48th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 1233. 

In spite of two unjust provisions in the river and harbor 
liill of 1885 Hepburn promised to vote for the measure if, 
when put on its final passage, the bill provided for the con- 
struction of the Hennepin Canal. Years later he regretted that 
he had supported the Hennepin Canal. ' ' I did it under pres- 
sure ' ', he said. ' ' The railway cry was being raised — every- 
body that was not in favor of the Hennepin Canal, in the 
estimate of certain orators and certain newspapers, was an 
enemy to the public welfare and was wedded to the cormorants. 



NOTES AND KEFERENCES 373 

I had not as much courage then as I ought to have had and I 
voted for it."— Congressional Record, 48th Congress, 2nd Ses- 
sion, p. 1236, 59th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 2170. 

ir.sPaxson's The New Nation, p. 12; Congressional liccord, 
48th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 417, 418, 419. 

164 Congressional Becord, 48th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 

1233, 1234. 

1S5 Congressional Record, 48th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
1402, 1407, 1906, 1907, 1922. All of these amendments failed 
as a matter of course. 

ifis Congressional Record. 48th Congress, 1st Session, p. 418, 
2nd Session, pp. 1274, 2099. 

■''^T Congressional Record, 4Sth Congress. 2nd Ses.sion. pp. 

1234, 123.5. 

^C'S Congressional Record, 49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
3.526, 3527. 

ici) Congressional Record, 49th Congress, 1st Session, p. 36.5,5. 

170 If Colonel Hepburn was not the first to apply the term 
" j)ork barrel" to the river and harbor bill, there is some 
evidence to show that he was responsible for introducing it to 
popular usage. William J. Stone, of Missouri, in a speech on 
the river and harbor bill. Mav 6, 1886, referred to the phrase 
"pork in the barrel" as the "classic language of the gentle- 
man from Iowa [Mr. Hepburn]". — Congressional Record, 
49th Congress, 1st Session, p. 4246. 

I'l Congressional Record, 49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
3528, 3700. 

'n^ Congressional Record. 49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 

3950, 3951, 3953. 

173 Congressional Record, 49th Congress. 1st Session, pp. 

3951, 3953. 

174 Congressional Record, 49th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
968, 1055. 



374 avillia:\i peters hepburn 

i"5 The river and liarbor bill "is a sort of comet in the 
congressional planetary system. ... It dashes into Con- 
gress, and is attracted hither and thither; and to the last 
moment it is uncertain whether it will escape on its parabolic 
path, or collide with a disagreement of the Houses, or an 
executive veto." — Hart's The Biography of a Elver and Har- 
bor Bill in the Magazine of American History, Vol. XVIII, pp. 
52, 53. 

i"o Congressional Eecord, 49th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
968, 1056, 2331; Hart's The Biography of a Elver and Harbor 
Bill in the Magazine of American History, Vol. XVIII, pp. 
56, 57. 

177 Congressional Record, 49th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
1056, 1058, 2331, Appendix, p. 133. 

Throughout the twenty-two years that Colonel Hepburn was 
in Congress his hostility to pork barrel legislation never 
abated. Year after year he protested with such regularity 
against the practice of wasting money on useless public im- 
provements that the newspapers were accustomed to refer to 
Hepburn's "annual speech against the river and harbor bill". 
He was heartily in favor of proper river and harbor improve- 
ments; but he opposed the river and harbor bills because they 
were ' ' not vehicles for the legitimate apjiropriation of money 
to conduct legitimate improvements of rivers and harbors," 
but were ' ' measures constructed in such a way as, by favorit- 
ism, to secure the necessary number of votes to pass them in 
the House ' '. When someone suggested that his opposition was 
due to the fact that there was ' ' no pork in the barrel ' ' for 
him, he introduced an amendment appropriating $55,000 — the 
pro rata share of his constituents — for the ' ' removal and 
exclusion of water" from the highways of the Eighth Con- 
gressional District of Iowa. — Congressional Record, 53rd 
Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 4378, 4379, 4381, 55th Congress, 3rd 
Session, pp. 1354, 1398, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 2965. 

Hepburn was alarmed at the steady increase in the amount 
of "pork" and began to fear that his prophecy of living to 
see the river and harbor bill carry a Irandred million dollars 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 375 

would be fulfilled. Moreover, he estimated that about half of 
the money appropriated in river and harbor bills — ' ' a colossal 
sum" during a period of twenty-five years — was "utterly 
wasted". How much better it would be, he thought, to utilize 
the rivers for power to generate electricity than for purposes 
of navigation. — Congressional Eecord, 5Sth Congress, 3rd Ses- 
sion, p. 3666, 59th Congress, 1st Session, p. 2897. 

Although Colonel Hepburn realized the futility of filibuster- 
ing against pork barrel legislation he rarely missed an oppor- 
tunity to disparage the levee system of improving the naviga- 
tion of the Mississippi River, to ridicule plans of controlling 
the Missouri Eiver, or to point out the absurd disproportion 
between the size of various appropriations and the importance 
of the projects. — Congressional Eecord, 53rd Congress, 3rd 
Session, p. 1317, 54th Congress, 2nd Session, Appendix, pp. 43, 
44, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 1355, 1399, 56th Congress, 
1st Session, p. 6567, 2nd Session, pp. 829-833, 1085, 57th Con- 
gress, 1st Session, pp. 2965-2968, 59th Congress, 2nd Session, 
pp. 2168-2170. 

Colonel Hepburn objected especially to the passage of some 
of the river and harbor bills without opportunity for debate. 
"Why," said he in 1896, "was there ever anything known in 
all the history of villainous legislation like this? Seventy-five 
million dollars in round numbers taken out of the Treasury of 
the United States, and not one section of the bill has yet been 
read for amendment. Not one paragraph had a moment's de- 
liberate consideration. There was not an opportunity to say a 
word in opposition to the multiplied iniquities of the measure. ' ' 
Furthermore, he attacked the ingenious method of concealing 
the enormous total of river and harbor expenditures by putting 
part of the appropriations in the sundry civil bill. — Congres- 
sional Eecord, 54th Congress, 1st Session, p. 5568, 55th Con- 
gress, 2nd Session, p. 2195, 3rd Session, p. 1354. 

Not only did Hepburn criticize the appropriations in the 
river and harbor bills, but he thought the government was 
spending too much money for public buildings. "In my hum- 
ble judgment," he said, "there is no more wasteful, and there 



376 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

has been no more wasteful, exhibition of the expenditure of 
public money than in the erection of public buildings through- 
out the country. We always pay for more than we get, and 
we always get more than we need. ' ' — Congressional Becord, 
55th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 5609. 

CHAPTEE XV 

178 Clipping 117 in the Hepburn papers. 

179 Congressional Becord, 49th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 
2223; The Centerville Citizen, March 2, 1887. 

180 Proceedings of the Fifth Beunion of the Second Iowa 
Cavalry, 1891, p. 24. 

181 Congressional Becord, 48th Congress, Ist Session, p. 5561, 
49th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 234, 235, 742, 2226. 

During the Forty-seventh Congress Hepburn was a member 
of the standing committees on Pensions and Public Lands as 
well as the select committees on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic and 
Woman Suffrage. In the Forty-eighth Congress he was a 
member of the standing committees on Elections, Patents, and 
Commerce. He served on the Judiciary Committee in the 
Forty-ninth Congress. — Congressional Becord, 47th Congress, 
1st Session, pp. 238, 239, 1836, 48th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
223, 224, 6150, 49th Congress, 1st Session, p. 538. 

182 Congressional Becord, 49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
4387, 4389, 5270, 5869. 

183 Congressional Becord, 49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
5269, 5270, 5271, 5277, 5279, 5281, 5282. 

184 Congressional Becord, 49th Congress, 1st Session, p. 5867. 

183 Congressional Becord, 49th Congress, 1st Session, p. 5869; 
clippings 117 and 584 in the Hepburn papers. 

186 Congressional Becord, 49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
5867, 5868, 5869. 

187 Congressional Becord, 49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
5869, 5870. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 377 

CHAPTER XVI 

^ 188 Only five of the counties that had formerly composed the 
eighth district remained — Adams, Union, Page, Taylor, and 
Einggold. The others, along the Missouri River, had been 
transferred to the ninth district, while Clariie, Decatur, Lucas, 
"Wayne, and Appanoose counties were added to the eighth dis- 
trict.— The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. I, pp. 
359, 360. 

^^^Weeldy Iowa State Begister (Des Moines), March 24, 
1882; The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 191:5; Fairall's 
Manual of Iowa Politics, 1883, p. 15, 1885, p. 34. 

I'JO The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, \o\. VI. pp. 
525, 530, 536, 537, 539; Fairall's Manual of Iowa Politics, 
1884, p. 79. 

191 Fairall's Manual of Iowa Politics, 1883, pp. 42, 43; 
Iowa Historical Record, Vol. V, p. 242; Scrap Book, p. 21; 
Prohihition by Constitutional Amendment (Cresco: 1881), pp. 
4, 6; Congressional Becord, 47th Congress, 1st Session, p. 239, 
48th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 2192, 2193, 2194. This speech, 
which was delivered on March 22, 1884, is included in Miller's 
Great Debates in American History, Vol. XT, pp. 390-392. 

In 1882 the Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic, of which 
Hepburn was a member, in response to a request from "the 
largest body of citizens, residing in every State and nearly 
every Territory, that ever petitioned for the passage of any 
measure before the American Congress", reported favorably a 
bill authorizing the appointment of five commissioners to in- 
vestigate the liquor traffic with reference to its "economic, 
criminal, moral, and scientific aspects, in connection with 
pauperism, crime, social vice, the public health, and general 
welfare of the people; and also to inquire into the practical 
results of taxation and license, and of restrictive legislation 
for the prevention of intemperance". Hepburn voted for the 
bill, but it failed to pass the House. — House Committee Be- 
ports, 47th Congress, 1st Session, No. 132; Congressional Bec- 
ord, 47th Congress, 1st Session, p. 934. 



378 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

In 1SS7 Hepburn opposed that part of the internal revenue 
bill \Yhic'h removed government supervision of small distilleries 
and prohibited the destruction of stills used illicitly. He 
characterized the measure as " a bill for the relief of moon- 
shiners. " — Congressional Becord, 49tli Congress, 2nd Session, 
pp. 2684, 2691. 

On June 30, 1902, Hepburn introduced a bill designed to 
restore to States the power to stop importation of intoxicating 
liquor into prohibition territory. This power had been denied 
the States by court decisions which held that intoxicating 
liquor transported from one State to another was not subject 
to State law while it remained in the original package and be- 
fore it was delivered to the consignee. Hepburn 's bill — the 
precursor of the Webb-Kenyon Act — was called up on January 
27, 1903, and passed the House after a short debate, but was 
never reported in the Senate. The Fifty-eighth Congress had 
been in session only a week when Hepburn re-introduced his 
bill to regulate interstate liquor traffic. On the following day 
J. P. Dolliver introduced a companion bill in the Senate and 
the measure came to be known as the Hepburn-Dolliver bill. 
In the Senate no further action was taken, but the House bill 
was favorably reported on April 8, 1904. Early in the final 
session of the Fifty-eighth Congress Colonel Hepburn intro- 
duced a resolution providing for the consideration of his bill, 
but the Committee on Rules never reported it. Finally, on 
February 18, 1905, he asked unanimous consent for the con- 
sideration of the bill, but Representative Swagar Sherley ob- 
jected. The Hepburn-Dolliver bill was introduced very early in 
both the Fifty-ninth and Sixtieth Congresses but failed to pass 
either house. — Congressional Becord, 57th Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, p. 7730, 2nd Session, pp. 1327-1331, 5Sth Congress, 1st 
Session, pp. 349, 357, 2nd Session, p. 4545, 3rd Session, pp. 
184, 2866, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 115, 146, 60th Con- 
gress, 1st Session, pp. 18, 499, 4662. 

102 Fairall's Manual of Iowa Politics, 1884, pp. 79-81. 

i93Fairairs Manual of Iowa Politics, 1884, pp. 81, 83. 

At the second meeting which was held at Postville on August 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 379 

SOth the Repiililicans again challcngea General Weaver to a 
debate with Hepburn. The General declined and Hep1)urn was 
in turn challenged by L. H. ("Calamity") Weller, but he de- 
clined. At Webster City on the evening of September 11th 
Hepburn spoke at the courthouse, while Weaver addressed a 
large audience in the opera house. A final effort was made to 
bring the two men together at Osceola on September 20th, but 
Weaver refused as usual.— Pairall 's Manual of Iowa Politics, 
1884, pp. 84, 85, 86, 87. 

i»i Clipping 724 in the Hepburn papers. 

195 Haynes's Third Party Movements, pp. 221, 222. 

That Hepburn was active in the State campaign of 1885 is 
apparent from a letter congratulating him upon his courage in 
discussing the issues which had resulted from tlie Civil War, 
and closing with the hope that he would continue to "make it 
sultry for Fusion .... the ill-bred bantling of mis- 
cegenation." — Letter from B. M. Cutcheon, dated October 18, 
1885. 

lixi The editor of The CcnterviUe Citizen was W. O. Crosby 
who, as chairman of the Repu])liean committee for the eighth 
district, became Hepburn's campaign manager. — The Center- 
rille Citizen, September 8, 1886. 

197 The CcnterviUe Citizen, May 12 and 19, and June 2, 1886; 
Congressional Becord, 48th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 936, 937, 
49th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 4901-4903, 6406. 

When Hepburn was a member of the Committee on Public 
Lands he reported a bill "to quiet the title of settlers on the 
Des Moines River lands" which, however, never came to a 
vote. The Des Moines River Land Settlers' Union endorsed 
his candidacy in 1886, saying that he had been "from his 
first entrance into congress, our active friend" and asking that 
he be supported because "he is an honest and upright man." 
— Congressional Record, 47th Congress, 1st Session, p. 5140; 
The Centerville Citizen, August 11, 1886. 

19S The Centerville Citizen, June 23, 1886. 



380 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

199 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. I, p. 361; 
The Centerville Citisen, August 4 and September 1 and 8, 1886. 

Major A. E. Anderson had been conspicuous in Kepublican 
politics for many years. From 1877 to 1881 he was district 
attorney in the thirteenth district. He it was who had been 
praised for his unselfishness and party loyalty in the convention 
that nominated Hepburn for Congress in 1880. From 1881 to 
1884 he served as a railroad commissioner of Iowa. During 
this time, in 1882, he secured the Eepublican nomination for 
Congress in the ninth district, but was defeated by W. H. M. 
Pusey. — loua Official Register, 1917-1918, pp. 94, 665; Scrap 
Boole, pp. 7, 24; Fairall's Manual of Iowa Politics, 1883, p. 16. 

200 The Centerville Citisen, August 2.5 and September 8, 

1886. 

201 Congressional Record, 48th Congress, 2nd Session, Ap- 
pendix, p. 9, 49th Congress, 1st Session, Appendix, pp. 455, 
456; The Centerville Citizen, September 8, 1886. 

The day before the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act 
of 1887 — -a compromise between the Eeagan and Cullom bills 
— Colonel Hepburn delivered a notable speech in favor of the 
measure. Much of what he said was in reply to James B. 
Weaver who had voted for the Eeagan bill the previous sum- 
mer but was opposed to the compromise. Hepburn suggested 
that possibly the motive of some Congressmen in supporting the 
Eeagan bill had been to produce irreconcilable disagreements 
betAveen the House and Senate and thus keep ' ' alive and un- 
settled a question of prime importance to the people, ' ' that 
might be used " as a football in the then approaching cam- 
paign" for the "enhancement of their own worth and in 
support of their pretensions". The compromise was not as 
good as it might have been, but the Colonel thought it was an 
improvement on the Eeagan bill. He favored the creation of 
the Interstate Commerce Commission and refuted the principal 
objections to it. In regard to the long and short haul clause 
he approved of the proviso allowing the Commission to author- 
ize less charges for longer hauls in special eases because he 
thought it would benefit Iowa farmers by reducing the freight 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 381 

rates on grain shipped east of Chicago. The aiuendocl section 
prohibiting passenger as well as freight pooling received his 
endorsement. He had no objection to the phrase "under sub- 
stantially similar circumstances and conditions" because two 
shippers ought to have the same benefits even if the conditions 
were not "precisely, identically, and exactly the same." 
Neither did he share the fear that the alleged ambiguity of 
some phrases would cause the courts to misinterpret the 
statute. 

Though Colonel Hepburn admitted that the proposed law 
was not perfect, he realized that it was the best legislation that 
could be secured and he was willing to make progress by suc- 
cessive steps. Even if the bill had contained no other pro- 
vision than the declaration that all unjust and unreasonable 
transportation charges were unlawful he would have voted for 
it. "Time, experience, observation, persistent and repeated 
trial", he predicted, would be the factors of successful rail- 
road regulation. The methods of government control, he 
thought, might be perfected "by the wiser men who Avill suc- 
ceed us", so as to "bring no harm to the just rights of the 
corporations, and yet bring to the people of this land that day 
so longed for, when from the carrying service will be swept 
away the extortion of unreasonable charge and the injustice of 
discriminating and unstable rates." — Congressional Hccord, 
49th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 881, Appendix, pp. 4.3-47. 

202 The Centerville Citizen, September 8, 1886; Heport of 
the Board of Bailroad Commissioners (Iowa), 1884, pp. 49-57. 

The opinion that State regulation of railroad rates was 
compatible Avith the power of Congress over interstate com- 
merce was in accord with the definitive decision of the Supreme 
Court of the United States in the case of Mmui v. the State 
of Hlinois, in which a decision was handed down in 1877. — 
Paxson's The Neiv Nation, p. 71. 

203 The Centerville Citizen, August 4 and September 1, 1886. 

204 The Centerville Citizen, September 8, 1886. 

It is not certain that joint debates were held in all of the 



382 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

counties of the district. During September the candidates met 
at Centerville and Corydon. Later Anderson refused to meet 
Hepburn at Seymour, Creston, and Shenandoah. Whether ap- 
pointments for joint discussions had been arranged at these 
places can not be determined. — The Centerville Citizen, Sep- 
tember 29 and October 20, 1886. 

"05 The Centerville Citizen, September 22, 1886; loiva House 
Journal, 1886, p. 652; loira Senate Journal, 1886, p. 659. 

206 The Centerville Citizen, September 29, 1886; The Bing- 
gold Secord, April 14, 1904. 

The political situation in southwestern Iowa was so complex 
and discontent so general that Senator Allison refused to enter 
the campaign in behalf of Colonel Hepburn. ' ' Tama .Jim ' ' 
Wilson spent two weeks in the eighth district doing what he 
could, but Senator James F. Wilson found it advisable to can- 
cel five engagements for speeches and get out. — Copy of a 
letter to A. B. Thornell, November 10, 1908. 

207 Iowa Official Begister, 1887, pp. 117-127. 

208 Congressional Becord, 49th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 
2223; The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913; letters from 
Robert Harris, dated May 24, June 17 and 28, and November 
15, 1887. 

It was stated on ' ' good authority ' ' that Hepburn was to 
have received a salary of $12,000 for his services in the legal 
department of the Northern Pacific Railroad Company. When 
that project failed to materialize Mr. Harris offered to help 
him establish a law practice at Tacoma or some other point on 
Puget Sound.— T7ie Centerville Citizen, July 6, 1887; letter 
from Robert Harris, dated November 15, 1887. 

2on Tlie Centerville Citizen, March 2, April 20, and December 
21, 1887; Clark's History of Senatorial Elections in loxva, p. 
212; clipping 542 in the Hepburn papers. 

210 Clark's History of Senatorial Elections in loica, pp. 213, 
214; Iowa City Daily Bepuhlican, January 4, 5, and 9, 1888. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 383 

2ii7o(Cffl City Daily Hcpuhlican, January 11, 1S8S; Clark's 
History of Senatorial Elections in Iowa, pp. 213, 21-4. 

212 lou-a City Daily Eepublican, March 21 and 22, 1888. 

213 Letter from Edith H. Thummel, dated June 21, 1888; 
Iowa City Daily Eepullican, June 15 and 21, 1888; The Chi- 
cago Daily Tribune, June 22, 1888; Piatt's A History of the 
Bepuhlican Party, p. 224. 

^n The Chicago Daily Tribune, June 22, 188S; Iowa City 
Daily Hepublican, June 21, 1888. 

215 Piatt's A History of the Eepublican Party, pp. 224, 225; 
Hoar's Autobiography of Seventy Years, Vol. I, pp. 411-413. 

210 Certificate of election of the presidential electors for 
Iowa, dated December 15, 1888, in the Hepburn papers; Iowa 
City Daily Eepublican, January 12 and February 2, 1889. 

217 The Kansas City Times, March 3, 1889; letter from R. S. 
B. Clarke, dated February 9, 1889; letter from Robert Harris, 
dated March 18, 1889. 

218 Letters from John M. Thurston to William P. Hepburn, 
the Nebraska delegation in Congress, and President Harrison, 
dated March 19, 1889. 

219 Letter from Grenville M. Dodge to President Harrison, 
dated April 3, 1889; certificate of appointment as Solicitor of 
the Treasury, dated April 16, 1889, in the Hepburn papers. 

CHAPTER XVII 

220 Letter from R. L Holcombe, dated April 16, 1889; letter 
from J. C. Cook, dated January 11, 1890; clippings 502 and 
503 in the Hepburn papers. 

221 After much effort Mr. Carleton was appointed postmaster 
at Iowa Falls, largely on account of Hepburn's influence.— 
Letter from R. A. Carleton, dated September 27, 1889; letter 
from D. B. Henderson, dated December 16, 1890; letter from 
Abner Dunham, dated January 23, 1891. 



384 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

222 William P. Hepburn was a trustee of Tabor College from 
1904 to 1910.— Tabor College Catalogues, 1904-1909. 

223 Letter from R. A. Carleton, dated April 18, 1889; letter 
from W. M. Brooks, dated April 19, 1889; letter from J. R. 
Hartsock, dated April 22, 1889; letter from M. B. Austin, 
dated June 18, 1889; letter from Alice N. Jones, dated August 
15, 1889 ; letter from Mary Anderson, dated September 20, 
1889; letter from Ada J. Guituer, dated December 8, 1892. 

224 Letter from Anna A. Kluge, dated September 9, 1891; 
letter from E. A. Harris, dated December 6, 1890. 

225 Congressional Directory, 52nd Congress, 2nd Session, p. 
253. 

226 Anmial Beport of the Attorney General of the United 
States, 1889, pp. 189, 190. 

227 Anmial Eeport of the Attorney General of the United 
States, 1889, pp. 189, 190, 1890, pp. 191, 192, 1891, pp. 177, 
178, 1892, pp. 249, 250. 

22S Manuscript copy of the report on the administration of 
immigration at the port of New York by William P. Hepburn 
to the Secretary of the Treasury, dated December 31, 1889, in 
the Hepburn papers. 

229 Congressional Record, 51st Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
762, 2140; letter from Clarence Johnson, dated March 19, 
1890; United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXVI, pp. 43, 
372, 949, 1084-1086; The Sioux City Journal, November 9, 
1913; letter from Frank Hiscock, dated January 15, 1890. 

On December 23, 1890, before the new immigrant regulations 
had been adopted, Hepburn was requested to proceed to Boston 
to investigate the management of immigration matters. — 
Letter from William Windom, dated December 23, 1890. 

230 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXVI, p. 136; 
letter from B. H. Hinds, dated May 6, 1890 ; letter from D. W. 
Ridenour, dated June 25, 1890; letter from Raymond Loranz, 
dated August 4, 1890. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 385 

231 Special Agents George W. Whitehead and W. S. Chance 
were the other members of the commission. 

232 Manuscript copies of reports of the Treasury Commission 
on the customs administration in New York to the Secretary 
of the Treasury, in the Hepburn papers; letter from George 
W. Whitehead, dated December 20, 1890; The Sioux City Jour- 
nal, November 9, 1913; Annual Ecport of the Secretary of the 
Treasury, 1891, pp. xxxviii-xli. 

233 This was the second time William P. Hepburn had visited 
the Pacific Coast. In 1886 he had served on a special com- 
mittee to escort the remains of Senator J. F. Miller to Cali- 
fornia. Mrs. Hepburn and Edith Hepburn Thummel were in 
California during March and April, \S^2.~ Congressional Eec- 
ord, 49th Congress, 1st Session, p. 2351 ; letter from James A. 
Louttit, dated April 28, 1892; letter to Raymond Loranz, 
dated March 6, 1892. 

23iT7ie Sioux City Journal, November 9, 1913; letter from 
John H. Keattell, dated August 20, 1889; Annual Report of 
the Secretary of the Treasury, 1890, p. Ixxvii; letter from W. 
Kieckhefer, dated June 18, 1889; clipping 238 in the Hei)burn 
papers; letters from Charles Foster, dated June 29 and August 
24, 1891; letter from William Windom, dated November 19, 
1890; letter from Hugh K. McJunkin, dated April 13, 1892; 
letter from I. E. Campbell, dated April 7, 1892. 

CHAPTER XVIII 

■230 The Ringgold Record, April 14, 1904; letter from L. T. 
Michener, dated September 17, 1890; letter from F. F. D. 
Albery, dated September 22, 1890; letter from H. S. Cattell, 
dated December 8, 1891 ; letter from C. A. Stanton, dated 
October 29, 1890; letter from D. B. Henderson, dated Novem- 
ber 6, 1890; letter from E. E. Mack, dated October 25, 1890; 
letters to Raymond Loranz, dated December 29, 1891, and 
February 11, 1892; letter to Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain, 
dated September 8, 1891. 

26 



386 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

236 Letter to Eaymond Loranz, dated February 11, 1892 ; 
letter from William Eaton, dated February 22, 1892. 

237 J. B. Harsh was in the State Senate two terms — from 
1888 to 1896.— Iowa Official Register, 1917-1918, p. 65. 

-38 The loica State Register (Weekly, Des Moines), Febru- 
ary 5, 1892; letter from James W. McDill, dated March 26, 
1892; letter from J. B. Harsh to J. H. Cook, dated April 29, 
1892; The Creston Gazette, May 30, 1892; Iowa Official Reg- 
ister, 1889, p. 196, 1891, p. 179; Fairall's Manual of Iowa 
Politics, 1885, p. 34. 

239 The Creston Gazette, May 30, 1892. 

240 The Creston Gazette, June 27, 1892 ; The Chariton Pa- 
triot, July 20, 1892. 

241 Letter from William Eaton, dated February 22, 1892 ; 
letter from F. M. Davis, dated April 30, 1892; a typewritten 
memorandum in the Hepburn papers; clippings 436 and 568 
in the Hepburn papers. 

242 The Chariton Patriot, July 20, 1892 ; clipping 517 in the 
Hepburn papers. 

243 Letter from J. E. Hill, dated August 11, 1892; The lou'a 
State Register (Weekly, Des Moines), August 19 and Sep- 
tember 9, 1892. 

244 Letter to Raymond Loranz, dated September 26, 1892 ; 
letter from L. C. Mechem dated October 4, 1892; letter from 
J. L. Washburn, dated November 4, 1892. 

245 Letter from G. B. Pray, dated September 24, 1892; letter 
from J. E. Blythe, dated September 24, 1892; letter from; 
W. H. Phelps, dated September 28, 1892; letter from W. F. 
Baker, dated October 7, 1892; letter from William B. Allison, 
dated October 10, 1892; letter to Raymond Loranz, dated 
June 28, 1892; The Iowa State Register (Weekly, Des Moines), 
September 23, 1892. 

246 Dewey's National Problems, pp. 246, 250, 251; Iowa Of- 
ficial Register, 1893, pp. 120-187, 196. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 387 

217 Letter from G. W. Whitehead, dated November 26, 1S02; 
letter from L. C. Mechem, dated December 8, 1S92;' letter 
from A. B. Cummins, dated November 21, 1892 j letter from 
E. M. Reynolds, dated November 14, 1892. 

CHAPTER XIX 

218 Letter from Evander Light, dated November 17, 1892; 
letter from Soloman S. Shaffstall, dated November 20, 1892; 
letter from John L. Spicer, dated November 20, 1892; letter 
from Mrs. E. H. Shoemaker, dated November 25, 1892. 

219 Copy of a letter to Andrew Harvey, dated January 29, 
1907; Congressional Eecord, 58th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
3113, 3114. 

The better to serve his constituents Hepburn advocated the 
retention of committee clerks during the time Congress was 
not in session so that the business of constituents which was 
usually done by the Congressman would be looked after duriug 
their absence. — Congressional Beeord, 54th Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, pp. 4995, 4996. 

250 Letter to I. H. Walker, dated December 18, 1900; copy 
of a letter to F. M. Davis, dated January 25, 1906. 

251 Congressional Eecord, 53rd Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
369, 2592, 54tli Congress, 1st Session, p. 4057, 55th Congress, 
2nd Session, p. 71. 

252Paxson's The New Nation, p. 219; Congressional Eecord, 
53rd Congress, 1st Session, pp. 197, 205. 

253 Congressional Eecord, 53rd Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
630-633. 

254 Dewey's National Problems, pp. 267-271. 

255 Congressional Eecord, 53rd Congress, 3rd Session, p. 
2198; letter from Thomas Tonge, dated February 18, 1895. 

256 Congressional Eecord, 54th Congress, 1st Session, Appen- 
dix, pp. 126-129. 



388 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

'257 Congressional Eecord, 54th Congress, 2n(i Session, p. 
2378. 

2''S Hepburn characterized the Reclamation Act of 1902 as 
' ' the most insolent and impudent attempt at larceny ' ' that he 
had ever seen embodied in a legislative proposition. Repre- 
sentatives of western States, he said, were asking the govern- 
ment "to give away an empire in order that their private 
property" might "be made valuable." Reclamation projects 
might well be postponed until there was greater need of more 
agricultural land, he thought, and when that time came the 
people who were the beneficiaries should reclaim the land ' ' as 
we have had to do in the other States." — Congressional Eec- 
ord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 6742. 

CHAPTER XX 

2J0 On one occasion, after condemning strikes and the ' ' spirit 
that fosters them, ' ' Hepburn declared that in ' ' this day and 
generation where even the differences of nations are the subject 
of peaceful arbitration and where the highest efforts of the 
statesmen are directed to the peaceful solution of interna- 
tional trouble, to the abrogation of wars, and their train of 
e\'ils, men ought to be compelled to submit their differences to 
pacific and legal adjustment. ' ' — Manuscript copy of a speech 
in the Hepburn papers. 

260 Congressional Eecord, 53rd Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
263, 8420, 8421, 3rd Session, p. 2792, 54th Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, p. 2572. 

201 Letter from B. T. Chapman, dated November 22, 1892; 
letter from J. W. Briggs, dated December 19, 1892; letters 
from J. H. Cook, dated December 24 and 28, 1892; Clark's 
History of Senatorial Elections in Iowa, pp. 227-233; loica 
Official Eegister, 1895, p. 189; letter from J. W. Blythe, dated 
November 13, 1894. 

^^•■^The Eeview of Eeviews, Vol. XIV, p. 526; letter from 
William Bremner, dated November 9, 1896. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 389 

2fi3j7je Iowa State Register (Weekly, Des Moines), :\rareh 

13, 1896. 

264 Dewey's National Prohlems, p. 319; The Iowa State Ilcg- 
ister (Weekly, Des Moines), June 19, 189fi. 

265 Piatt's A Histonj of the EcpiibUcan Party, p. 255; clip- 
ping 578 in the Hepburn papers. 

266 The loua State Register (Weekly, Des Moines), June 19 
and July 17, 1896. 

267 Letters to Raymond Loranz, dated September 14 and 21, 
1896. In the midst of the burdens of a difficult campaign 
came the news that Frank Hepburn, the Colonel's eldest son, 
had been murdered in Arkansas on September 14, 1896. — 
The Iowa State Register (Weekly, Des Moines), September 
18, 1896. 

268 It was on Republican day of the semi-centennial celebra- 
tion of the admission of Iowa into the Union that Foraker 
and Hepburn spoke in Burlington. 

269 T/ie loua State Register (Weekly, Des Moines), August 

14, 1896; The Burlington Hawk-Eye (Weekly), October 8, 
1896. 

270 Letter from William B. Allison, dated November 7, 1896; 
loua Official Register, 1897, p. 253. 

CHAPTER XXI 

271 The Clarinda Herald, October 25, 1898. 

272 Congressional Record, 55th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
461-464. Hepburn voted for the Pendleton civil service bill in 
1883. — Congressional Record, 47th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 
867. 

273 Clipping 595 in the Hepburn papers. 

274 Colonel Hepburn was commonly accused of utilizing his 
patronage for the purpose of building a party machine com- 
posed of postmasters and other Federal office-holders wlio were 



390 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

expected to look after the Colouel's political interests. Occa- 
sionally there were insinuations of nepotism; hints that he 
had ' * assisted sons-in-law and others-in-law into salaried posi- 
tions ' '. Such charges the Colonel always resented and em- 
phatically denied. Entirely aside from his conviction that 
party organization should be composed chiefly of public of- 
ficials, it was only natural that he should prefer his friends in 
the distribution of positions and that those friends should be 
loyal to him at election. It may be stated truthfully that 
Colonel Hepburn never recommended a man for a Federal 
office whom he believed to be dishonest or inefficient. — The 
Begister and Leader (Des Moines), December 14, 1908. 

275 Congressional Eecord, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 
458, 459, 56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 1887, 57th Congress, 
1st Session, pp. 626, 627, 58th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 729, 
59th Congress, 1st Session, p. 4189, 60th Congress, 2nd Ses- 
sion, pp. 82, 83. 

CHAPTER XXII 
276Weyl's American World Policies, pp. 45-48. 

2" The Clarinda Herald, October 25, 1898; Mount Ayr 
Eecord-News, February 22, 1916. This speech is included in 
Miller's Great Debates in American History, Vol. Ill, pp. 
228-230. A photograph of Colonel Hepburn which was repro- 
duced at the time of his Hawaiian speech when he was sixty- 
four years of age pictures him with dark hair and mustache, a 
square jaw, and piercing eyes. He appears to be in the prime 
of life. — The Cyclopedic Beview of Current History, Vol. 
VIII, p. 321. 

278 Congressional Becord, 55th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
6017, 6018. 

279 The Ostend Manifesto was the joint work of James 
Buchanan, John Y. Mason, and Pierre Soule, all Democrats and 
United States ministers in Europe, who met at the suggestion 
of President Franklin Pierce. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 391 

2S0 Congressional Becord, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 
1107, 1108. 

281 Congressional Hecord, 57tli Connrress, 1st Session, pp. 417, 
418. 

From 1899 to 1903 Willijun P. Hepburn was a member of 
the Committee on Insular Affairs. Tlie legislation establishing 
^'ivil government in Hawaii, Porto Kico, and the Philippines 
emanated from this committee. 

282 Congressional Record, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
4736, 4737, 2nd Session, pp. 65, 2231. 

Hepburn was equally opposed to the organization of na- 
tional societies of Italians, Irish, or Hungarians. He believed 
that aliens should be taught that naturalization conferred a 
boon upon them, "that there is something in naturalization 
here that they ought to be suitors for, that they ought to be 
willing to make sacrifices for". — Congressional Hecord, 59th 
Congress, 1st Session, p. 7049, 2nd Session, p. 2231. 

^^^ Mount Ayr Record-News, February 22, 1916; clipping 
133 in the Hepburn papers. 

CHAPTER XXIII 

-^■i Report hy Isthmian Canal Commission, 1899-1901, p. 37, 
in Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, No. 54; 
Latane's America as a World Power, p. 204; clipping 2 in the 
Hepburn papers. 

28r, Eoicse Committee Reports, 54th Congress, 1st Session, No. 
2126, pp. 1, 2, 5, 23; clipping 597 in the Hepburn jjapers; 
Congressional Record, 56th Congress, Ist Session, Appendix. 
p. 393. 

2S6 Report hy Isthmian Canal Commission, 1899-1901, pp. 
58, 59, in Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, No. 
54; Congressional Record, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 133, 
1829; House Committee Reports, 55th Congress, 3rd Session. 
No. 2104, pp. 1, 2, 4, 8, 9. 

287 Clipping 597 in the Hepburn papers; Congressional Rec- 
ord, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, p. 1665. 



392 "WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

28S Congressional Eecord, 55th Congress, 3rd. Session, pp. 
1872-1877. 

In reply to the suggestion that the constitution of Nica- 
ragua prohibited the sale of any territory, Hepburn foretold 
the mode of acquiring territory' in Central America which was 
afterwards employed by President Roosevelt. He said that 
every revolution in Nicaragua caused a change in the constitu- 
tion and that "those revolutions are quite as frequent as we 
would care for, even if we required a change in their constitu- 
tion and it could not be effected in any other way. ' ' — Con- 
gressional Record, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, p. 1873. 

289 Congressional Eecord, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 
1895-1912. 

29oLatane's America as a World Power, pp. 208, 209; letter 
from W. N. Cromwell, dated March 14, 1899. 

291 Congressional Eecord, 56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 151; 
clipping 597 in the Hepburn papers; H. R. Bill No. 2538, 56th 
Congress, 1st Session, in the Hepburn papers. 

292 House Committee Eeports, 56th Congress, 1st Session, No. 
351. 

The Independent for February 1, 1900, published a short 
article by Hepburn in which he stated the reasons why he 
favored an isthmian canal and the Nicaragua route. — The 
Independent, Vol. LII, pp. 291-296. 

293 Letter from Albert Shaw, dated February 19, 1900; let- 
ter from O. E. Payne, dated February 20, 1900; letter from 
Robert Kuehnert, dated February 24, 1900. 

294 T/ie Outlook, Vol. LXIV, p. 428; Latane's America as a 
World Power, p. 206; House Committee Eeports, 56th Con- 
gress, 1st Session, No. 351; letter from Charles E. Vrooman, 
dated February 27, 1900. 

295 Congressional Eecord, 56th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
1993, 1994, 2430, 4129, 4558. 

296 Congressional Eecord, 5Cth Congress, 1st Session, Ap- 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 393 

pendix, pp. 393-396. This speech is im-huled in Miller's Great 
Debates in American History, Vol. III. pp. 359-364. 

2^T Congressional Hecord, 56th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
4913-4955. 

208 Congressional Becord, 56th Conjrress, 1st Session, p. 4999. 

290 Congressional Becord, 56th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
4987-5015, 5476, 2nd Session, p. 3517. 

300 Congressional Becord, 57th Congress. 1st Session, p. 184; 
Latane's America as a W&rld Poiver, p. 207; Eouse Committee 
Beports, 57th Congress, 1st Session, No. 15. 

301 Congressional Becord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 481, 
Appendix, pp. 10-17. This speech is included in Miller's Great 
Debates in American History, Vol. Ill, pp. 384-3S8. 

302 Congressional Becord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 481- 
487, 513-528, 540-558, Appendix, pp. 38-41. 

303 Latane's America as a World Power, pp. 211, 212; Con- 
gressional Becord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 7441 ; clipping 
12 in the Hepburn papers. 

304 Congressional Becord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 
7436; letter to John N. Miller, dated January 28, 1902. 

305 Hepburn defended the hasty recognition of the inde- 
pendence of Panama in these words: "I believe if there had 
been no Panama treaty, that if there had been no Colombian 
acquiescence, that it would have been the duty of this nation 
to have wiped that petty people away. Unwilling to move 
themselves, unable, perhaps, to contribute in any considerable 
degree to the great enterprise demanded by the commerce of 
the world, they proposed to bleed a liberal people, which our 
president would not permit. We had, fortunately for us, the 
right man in the right place, at the right time, and I thank 
God for itl"~ The Des Moines Daily Capital, April 8, 1904. 

306 Latane's America as a World Power, pp. 217, 220; letter 
from Theodore Roosevelt, dated April 14, 1904; Congressional 
Becord, 58th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 4954, 5214, 5274, 5828. 



394 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

^07 The Daily Picayune (New Orleans), December 3, 1904; 
The Charleston Evening Post, January 14, 1909; Congressional 
Record, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 55, 250, 581, 692, 9085, 
9342, 9384. 

308 The Crest on Advertiser-Gazette, February 14, 1905. 

CHAPTER XXIV 

300 For a few weeks in October the Colonel was not able to 
take an active part in the campaign. — Letter from C. T. 
Hancock, dated October 22, 1898. 

310 Letters from Eaymond Loranz, dated August 8 and Octo- 
ber 8, 1898; loica Official Register, 1905, p. 386; clipping 126 
in the Hepburn papers. Hepburn's Democratic opponent in 
1898 was George L. Finn. 

311 Letter from Ed. H. Sharp, dated July 16, 1900; copy of 
a letter from Buren E. Sherman to Leslie M. Shaw, dated 
August 15, 1900; letter from Leslie M. Shaw, dated August 28, 
1900; Clark's History of Senatorial Elections in loica, pp. 
245, 246; clipping 583 in the Hepburn papers. 

312 Letter from A. F. Dawson to Margaret Hepburn Cham- 
berlain, dated September 8, 1900 ; letter from A. F. Dawson 
to Howard Tedford, dated September 26, 1900; Iowa Official 
Register, 1905, p. 386. 

Hepburn's Democratic opponent was V. R. McGinnis. 

3i3Paxson's The New Nation, pp. 252, 293, 294; Iowa Of- 
ficial Register, 1902, p. 274. 

In 1902 the whole country was agitated by the trust prob- 
lem. What was needed, in Hepburn 's opinion, was not more 
legislation but the enforcement of the laws already on the 
statute books. Accordingly he introduced a bill appropriating 
funds with which the Attorney General might employ special 
counsel to prosecute cases against the trusts. Later the provi- 
sions of this bill were incorporated in the legislative, executive, 
and judicial bill which became a law on February 25, 1903. — 
Congressional Record, 57th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 5, 412, 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 395 

419; United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXII, Pt. 1, pp. 
903, 904, 906. 

314 Zowa OiJicial Begister, 1905, p. 386; letter from J. P. 
Dolliver, dated November 6, 1902; The Des Moines Daily Cap- 
ital, January 15, 1904; Congressional Becord, 5Sth Congress, 
1st Session, p. 365; letter from Arthur R. Wells, dated Janu- 
ary 28, 1904. 

315 T/ie Des Moines Daily Capital, March 10, 1904. 

316 The Des Moines Daily Capital, April 8, 1904; Congres- 
sional Becord, 58th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 5452. 

The delegation from Page County to the Republican Eighth 
Congressional District Convention in 1904 was composed as far 
as possible of men Avho had been delegates to the memorable 
convention which had first nominated "Pete" Hepburn for a 
seat in the national House of Representatives in 1880. — The 
Begister and Leader (Des Moines), September 8, 1904. 

317 " I support this protective policy", Hepburn declared in 
November, 1903, "because the labor field of the United States 
is enlarged, because employment is more certain, because the 
wage is more surely compensating, because the homes are 
homes of plenty, and because contentment with our institutions 
finds lodgment in the hearts of all of our people". On another 
occasion he explained that the primary object of the enactment 
of every protective taritf measure was to secure the interests 
of the laborer while the "interest of the manufacturer was 
but a mere incident." He hastened to add, however, that 
manufacturing interests could not be destroyed without af- 
fecting the laborer. — Congressional Becord, 5Sth Congress, 1st 
Session, p. 366, 2nd Session, p. 5454. 

318 The Des Moines Daily Capital, April 8, 1904. 

319 Congressional Becord, 58th Congress, 2ud Session, p. 
5454. 

In 1902 Hepburn suggested that the trust problem might be 
solved by taxing watered stock out of existence. In 1908 he 
introduced an anti-trust bill that liad been drafted under the 



396 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

direction of Seth Low, President of the National Civic Feder- 
ation, in consultation with President Roosevelt and repre- 
sentatives of corporations and organized labor. According to 
the provisions of this measure, which aimed to legalize de- 
sirable and reasonable combinations, any corporation or labor 
association could register with the Bureau of Corporations or 
the Interstate Commerce Commission. Registered corporations 
could make combinations, contracts, and agreements if they 
were submitted to and approved by the government. Unregis- 
tered corporations remained subject to the provisions of the 
Sherman Anti-Trust Act which prohibited all combinations in 
restraint of trade, whether reasonable or unreasonable. More- 
over, the registration of trades unions afforded official govern- 
ment recognition and the bill specifically legalized the right to 
strike. The measure was referred to the Committee on 
Judiciary which never reported it. — H. R. Bill Xo. 19,745, 
60th Congress, 1st Session, in the Hepburn papers; The Out- 
look, Vol. LXXXVIII, pp. 816, 817; The Des Moines Daily 
Capital, August 11, 1902. 

320 In a speech to the Polk County Republican Club on July 
19th Governor Cummins declared that the man ' ' who says that 
the idea is a proposition to abolish all protective duties upon 
the products of the so-called trusts, who says that it is a 
proposition for free trade with Canada, or with any other 
country on earth, who says that it is democratic, or found in 
the democratic platform, is an unmitigated liar. ' ' 

321 r/te Begister and Leader (Des Moines), July 21, 1904; 
The Des Moines Daily Capital, July 20, 1904. 

322 Copy of a letter to A. W. Gay, dated August 12, 1904; 
The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), September 17, 1904; 
letter from R. H. Spence, dated September 16, 1904; letter 
from C. K Fowler, dated September 28, 1904; letter from 
J. C. Sibley, dated September 30, 1904; letter from C. E. 
Townsend, dated October 8, 1904; letter from Loren Fletcher 
to J. F. Bryan, dated October 15, 1904; The Lamoni Chronicle, 
October 27, 1904. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 397 

323 Copy of a letter to A. W. Gay, dated Ancrust 12, 1904; 
copy of a letter to Henry Wallace, dated August 12, 1904. 

324 Letter from Henry Wallace, dated August 19, 1904. 

325 Wallaces' Farmer, September 16, 1904. 

326 Decatur County Journal (Leon). February 16. 1905. 

327 loiva Official Register, 1905, p. 386. John V. Bennett 
was the Democratic candidate who consented to accept "the 
hopeless nomination" for Congress from the eighth district in 
1904. — The Sioux City Journal, September 8, 1904. 

CHAPTER XXV 

328 Letter to Hepburn Chamberlain, dated April 15, 1905; 
Scott's In the Far East, p. 3. This volume is a collection of 
letters written by a member of the Taft party and printed for 
private circulation. There is a copy of the book in the Hep- 
burn papers. 

Colonel Hepburn's son-in-law, Roy H. Chamberlain, was at 
that time Collector of Internal Revenue in Hawaii. — Clipping 
76 in the Hepburn papers. 

329 As early as 1891 William P. Hepburn recognized the im- 
portance of restricting immigration. The "broad acres of the 
west" no longer smiled a welcome to all who came. Thirty- 
five per cent of the immigrants "herded together in a col- 
ony" and never moved "beyond the city of their deporta- 
tion ' '. It was in such communities, Hepburn declared, that 
' ' anarchism and socialism are found and fostered. ' ' — Fifth 
Reunion of the Second Iowa Cavalry Veteran Association, 
1891, p. 25. 

The most eloquent as well as the most complete expression 
of the Colonel's attitude on the immigration question was in a 
speech delivered in the House of Representatives on January 
27, 1897. The fundamental purpose of curtailing immigration, 
he began, was to preserve the labor field in the United States 
for Americans. Each "day's labor given to the foreigner is a 
day's labor filched from one of us." It "is not simply a 



398 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

question of sentiment ' ', he exclaimed. "It is a question of 
patriotism. ' ' With vivid reality he pictured an American 
laborer returning amid the falling ' ' shadows of night ' ' — 
shadows which were "not so dark as those enshrouding his 
soul"- — -to his "cheerless hearth" where no light and no food, 
but only his starving wife and children awaited him after a 
day of bootless efforts to find employment. "Sentimentalists 
talk about dividing the blessings of the great Eepublic with 
all the world ' ', he continued. ' ' Ah, let lis care for our own 
first. Let us keep these places in the American labor field for 
Americans to delve in. And if there is something to dispense 
afterwards, then let us be charitable. But let us be just to 
Americans. ' ' So long as contentment should prevail in Amer- 
ican homes socialism and anarchy would find no place in the 
social order. "Congestion of labor breeds discussion of 
schemes of redistribution of the world 's wealth. ' ' — Congres- 
sional Becord, 54th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 1234, 1235. 
See also Congressional Becord, 47th Congress, 1st Session, p. 
2226, 57th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 5816, 6003, 60th Congress, 
1st Session, pp. 869-873, 2nd Session, pp. 3145-3147. 

330 The Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Honolulu), June 8, 
1905; clippings 75 and 76 in the Hepburn papers. 

S31 Evening Bulletin (Honolulu), July 13, 1905. 

^^^ The Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Honolulu), June 12, 
1905. 

?-s^ Evening Bulletin (Honolulu), July 13, 1905. 

William P. Hepburn was always an advocate of women's 
rights. In 1860 he declared that a woman's rights "should be 
so enlarged as to give her the property of her own accumula- 
tion, in such manner that it need not be jeopardized by the 
fluctuations of her husband's finances. She should have the 
guardianship of her children .... Her compen- 
sation should be better proportioned to the labors she per- 
forms. In the few branches of industry in which she is per- 
mitted by society to compete with her natural enemy — man — 
she receives less than half the pay for the same labor. ' ' He 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 399 

suggested tliat a woman's nimble fingers fitted lier especially 
for work in a printing office or as a telegraph operator, that 
her "life of Christian charity" made her teaching "fall upon 
the ear of the enquirer for truth with all the power that virtu- 
ous example yields", and that as a nurse she could well be 
substituted for "many of those noisy pilgarlics who now infest 
the sick room". — Manuscript copy of a speech delivered before 
the Marshalltown lodge of Good Templars on March 3, 1860, 
in the Hepburn papers. 

During the Forty-seventh Congress, while ITopburn was a 
member of the Committee on Woman Suffrage, he supported 
the Susan B. Anthony equal suffrage amendment to the Fed- 
eral Constitution. In 188fi, when he was a member of the 
Committee on Judiciary to which the same amendment was 
referred, he signed the minority report in favor of "immedi- 
ate, sure, and absolute enfranchisement" of women. "Give 
woman the ballot", reads the report, "and she will have addi- 
tional means and inducements to a broader and better educa- 
tion, including a knowledge of affairs, which she will not fail 
to avail herself of to the uttermost; give her the ballot and 
you add to her means of protection to her person and estate. ' ' 
Moreover, it was argued that woman suffrage might dispel 
national dangers. "She is an enemy of foreign war or do- 
mestic turmoil ; she is a friend of peace and home. Her in- 
fluence for good in many directions would be multiplied if she 
possessed the ballot. She desires the homes of the land to be 
pure and sober; with her help they may become so." Though 
a majority of women might not desire to vote it was held that 
such ' ' indifference cannot affect the right of those who are 
not indifferent." — House Committee Beports, 47th Congress, 
2nd Session, Xo. 1997, 49th Congress, 1st Session, No. 2289. 

334 Clipping 7.5 in the Hepburn papers; Congressional Hccord, 
5Sth Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 430, 2763, 3667. 

At the same time that William P. Hepburn introduced the 
bill to investigate leprosy in Hawaii he introduced another 
measure to provide for a leprosarium in the United States. 
This bill was likewise reported favorably but met such deter- 



400 willia:\i peters hepburn 

mined opposition that it failed to pass the House. — Congres- 
sional Eecord, 58th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 430, 2509, 3908- 
3911. 

Inasmuch as all legislation pertaining to public health and 
the Marine Hospital Service was referred to the Committee on 
Interstate and Foreign Commerce it was to be expected that 
Hepburn would be active in promoting measures of that na- 
ture: he cooperated generously with Walter Wyman, the 
Surgeon-General of the Marine Hospital Service. In 1897, on 
account of the alarming spread of bubonic plague, he intro- 
duced a joint resolution for the inspection by a national quar- 
antine officer of "incoming vessels, vehicles, or persons", and 
the proposition gained enactment without any serious opposi- 
tion. The Colonel always favored a national quarantine sys- 
tem. — Congressional Eecord, 54th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
2164, 2476, 55th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 74, 2135, 56th Con- 
gress, 1st Session, pp. 4888, 6887, 6888, 59th Congress, 1st 
Session, p. 4696, 60th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 3006, 3007, 
4058. 

In 1902 Walter Wyman drafted a bill to enlarge the activ- 
ities of the Marine Hospital Service, principally through co- 
operation with State health authorities. The measure was 
introduced in both branches of Congress and passed the Senate 
first. Hepburn was in charge of the proposition in the House; 
accordingly, when the Senate bill was referred to the Com- 
mittee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce he reported it in- 
stead of the bill he had introduced. He defended the measure 
on the floor of the House and it passed on July 1, 1902. — 
Congressional Eecord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 5659, 
6476, 7755, 7760; clipping 75 in the Hepburn papers; letter 
from Walter Wyman, dated May 17, 1902. 

335 Meanwhile, in the latter part of June, Colonel Hepburn 
addressed the graduating class of Oahu College in Honolulu. — 
Letter from A. F. Griffiths, dated June 30, 1905. 

336 r/je Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Honolulu), July 4, 
1905. 

' ' I am a mechanic. I have been a worker all my life. My 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 40I 

sympathies are T^•ith those who toil. This sentiment lias di- 
rected my political life." This statement made by Colonel 
Hepburn a little more than a month before he retired from 
public life, explains his intere.st in the labor problem. The 
great industrial development that followed the Civil War 
taught workmen their class interests and led to organized 
labor. The violent strikes which resulted from the depression 
of the seventies caused many people, like Colonel Hepburn, to 
view all labor organizations with distrust. For years he enter- 
tained a notion that there might be an armed conflict between 
laborers and capitalists, between tenants and landlords. He 
feared that the use of machinery combined with the growth of 
population would crowd the labor market and result in indus- 
trial revolution. The expansion of human wants, new epoch- 
making inventions, and stinnilation of production by means of 
a protective tariff constituted to him the only hope of salvation 
for the nation. — Congressional Eecord, 49th Congress, 2nd Ses- 
sion, p. 2223, 60th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 1542; Fifth He- 
union of the Second Iowa Cavalry Veteran Association, 1891, 
pp. 26, 27; Paxson's The Neio Nation, pp. 119, 121. 

In many public addresses the Colonel protested against the 
practice followed by the labor unions of withholding from non- 
union citizens — "people who propose to act for themselves, 
who have not surrendered their right to make individual con- 
tracts" — the privilege of choosing their own employers, de- 
ciding their own wages, selecting congenial environment, and 
terminating their employment whenever they pleased. When 
organized labor proposes to enforce its will upon all workmen 
"by violence and force, by ostracism, by assaults, by maiming, 
by murder", then it "becomes a menace to society and a peril 
to the State, and ought to receive the reprobation of all good 
people", he thought. — Manuscript copies of speeches in the 
Hepburn papers; clippings 6 and 19 in the Hepburn papers. 

The creation of an executive department to administer com- 
mercial and industrial affairs was the subject of Congressional 
debate for many years. In 1897 Colonel Hepburn introduced a 
bill to establish a Department of Commerce and Industries. 

27 



402 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

When the Department of Commerce and Labor was finally 
established in 1903 the House Committee on Interstate and 
Foreign Commerce conducted important hearings and Hepburn 
led the debate in support of the measure on the floor of the 
House of Representatives. ' ' The bill creating the Department 
of Commerce and Labor I had as much to do with, possibly 
more, than any other man ' ', he Avrote afterwards to a close 
personal friend. ' ' The section relating to trusts got its vitality 
from amendments that I suggested as a member of the Com- 
mittee of Conference. I received the earnest thanks of the 
President and of the first Secretary for my persistent and 
effective labors to put the trusts under the control of the 
courts through that Department." Hepburn contended that 
the interests of labor and the interests of capital that em- 
ployed labor were identical and therefore the opposition to 
combining labor and commerce in one executive department 
was based upon the fallacy that labor and capital were in- 
herently antagonistic. — Congressional Becord, 55th Congress, 
2nd Session, p. 74, 57th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 858, 871, 
875; copy of a letter to J. H. Tedford, dated January 23, 1905. 

337 Scott's In the Far East, pp. 22, 24, 55, 56, 57, 61, 64, 70, 

76-78. 

338 Scott's In the Far East, pp. 107, 109, 110. 

339 Scott's In the Far East, pp. 267-272. 

340 Scott's In the Far East, pp. 112, 113, 114, 116, 122, 
126, 131. 

341 Scott's In the Far East, pp. 140, 150, 155, 166, 168. 

3i2 Scott's In the Far East, pp. 215, 217, 219, 234, 241, 
242. 

Colonel Hepburn visited Hawaii again in the spring of 1907. 
— Letter from William B. Allison, dated July 2, 1907. 

On October 7, 1905, a few days after the Colonel and Mrs. 
Hepburn had returned from the Orient, many of their friends 
gathered to bid them welcome home. After William Orr had 
expressed in elegant phrases the esteem of the people of 



NOTES AND REFERENCES ^03 

Clarinda for the noble character and inspirational home life 
of their distingnished neighbors, the Colonel announced that it 
had been just fifty years almost to the hour since he and Mrs 
Hepburn were married. The friendly reception became a cele- 
bration of the golden wedding anniversary.— 27ie Clariixla 
Herald, October 10 and 13, 190.5. 

CHAPTER XXVI 

^*s Congressional Becord, ,56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 3970; 
Meyer's The Settlements with the Pacific Baihraiis in The 
Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. XIII, pp. 427-444. 

3-14 "I want to see corporations prosper", said Hepburn in 
1904. "We cannot live without them, but I do not want to 
see them become ends for extortion and robbery. ' ' — The Meri- 
den Daily Journal (Connecticut), May 31, 1904. 

345 Congressional Record, 53rd Congress, 2nd Session, p. 
1688, 54th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 599-602, 2107. Hep- 
burn's speech on January 9. 1897, in support of the Powers 
bill which provided for the refunding of the Union Pacific debt 
is included in Miller's Great Debates in American History, 
Vol. X, pp. 314-316. 

3iG Congressional Record, 54th Congress. 2nd Session, p. GOl, 
55th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 6729. 

347 Congressional Record, 55th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 6728. 

348 Congressional Record, 54th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 599, 
601, 55th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 6730. 

In January, 1S99, Hepburn stated that he would go "as far 
as any other man wants to go, in the legitimate and proper 
control of every corporation that comes within the limits of the 
powers of the United States", but he was not in favor of 
government ownership, except in the case of the Nicaragua 
canal. "There, in the absence of the necessary individual 
capital, with the delays which have been already suffered, with 
the necessities and existing conditions, and such an emergency 
as is created by all of the environments," he was induced to 



404 "willia:m peters hepburn 

advocate government ownership. — Congressional Becord, 55th 
Congress. 3rd Session, p. 773. 

349 Meyer's The Settlements with the Pacific Eailways in 
The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. XIII, p. 427. 

Colonel Hepburn introduced three bills for the settlement of 
the government claims against the Pacific railways. Two of 
them authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to adjust the 
obligations of the Sioux City and Pacific Railway Company to 
the United States and the third provided for the settlement of 
claims growing out of the issue of bonds to aid in the con- 
struction of the Central Pacific and Western Pacific railroads. 
— Congressional JRecord, 54th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 445, 
55th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 151, 2604. 

35oPaxson's The New Nation, pp. 294, 295; Ripley's Bail- 
roads: Bates and Begulation, pp. 488-490. 

Before the Pacific railway claims Avere settled the attention 
of Congress was attracted to the illegal practice of passenger 
ticket brokerage. To prevent ' ' scalping ' ' the Committee on 
Interstate and Foreign Commerce reported a bill in 1897 which 
required all persons selling railroad passenger tickets to display 
a certificate of their authority. ' ' A railway ticket is a con- 
tract," said Hepburn, not a commodity to be bartered, so he 
thought it was only fair to the public that a person who under- 
took to impose upon a railroad the responsibility for safe 
transportation with reasonable expedition and the ordinary 
comforts of travel should be an authorized agent. In reply to 
the argument that the prohibition of scalping would destroy 
competition and result in higher rates the Colonel pointed out 
that there was nothing to prevent a railroad authorizing its 
agents to sell tickets at low prices provided the schedule of 
fare was published. Anti-scalping bills passed the House of 
Representatives in both the Fifty-fourth and Fifty-fifth Con- 
gress but failed in the Senate. — Congressional Becord, 54th 
Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 1394, 2475, 2478, 55th Congress, 3rd 
Session, pp. 34, 39, 50. 

3JiOgg's National Progress, pp. 44, 45. 



NOTES AND KEFERENCES 405 

332 Ripley's EaUroads: Rates and licgulation, pp. 493, 494- 
Congressional Eeconl, 57th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. '2157- 
2159. 

353 Ripley's Railroads: Bates and Rcgidaiion, pp 491 494 
496. ' 

354 Congressional Record, 58th Congress, 3rcl Session, pp. 12. 
13; copy of letter to J. H. Tedford, dated January 23, 1905. 

3->5 Haines's Restrictive Railway Legislation, pp. 286, 287. 

Perhaps it A\as Hepburn's searching cross-examination of a 
representative of a shippers' association in an eifort to dis- 
cover the truth that prompted a prejudiced correspondent for 
The Chicago Daily Tribune to circulate a malicious and caustic 
tale that the Colonel browbeat and badgered -witnesses who 
appeared before his committee.— T/te Register and Leader 
(Des Moines), January 8, 1905. 

s^e House Committee Reports, 5Sth Congress, 3rd Session, Xo. 
4093, p. 1; The Literary Digest, Vol. XXX, p. 152. 

3"^' Copy of a letter to J. H. Tedford, dated January 23, 
1905; Congressional Record, 58th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 
2198, 2199. 

355 The Sioux City Journal characterized the Washington 
correspondents for The Chicago Daily Tribune and The Record- 
Herald (Chicago) as "dashing dictators" of Washington 
news, who assumed that the pu1)lic was more interested in 
their clamor than in correct information. "They placard men 
as the whim seizes them ' ' and become arbiters of the motives 
of public officials. — The Sioux City Journal, February 2, 1905. 

^o^ The Register and Leader (Des Moines), January 22, 23, 
27, and 30, 1905; The Sioux City Journal, January 24 and 27, 
1905. 

3fio Clipping 64 in the Hepburn papers; The Register and 
Leader (Des Moines), January 2G and 27, 1905; Wallaces' 
Farmer, January 20 and February 3, 1905. 

Henry Wallace could not see that the Hepburn bill would 



406 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

be of much practical benefit to shippers, while for the pro- 
ducers it provided no relief at all. Certainly it did not invest 
the Commission with povs er to put a revised rate ' ' at once 
into effect and to stay in effect unless and until the court of 
review reverses it." — Wallaces' Fanner, February 3, 1905. 

Governor Cummins declared that the measure was radically 
wrong in theory and "at war with all our notions of the 
relation between the legislative and judicial branches of the 
government. ' ' In tlie first place it ' ' enormously and unneces- 
sarily" increased the judiciary of the United States at "an 
immense burden of expense altogether unwarranted" and with 
the result of further entangling the "complicated judicial 
system. ' ' He thought that the feature of the bill which de- 
layed for sixty days the operation of a rate established by the 
Commission and then permitted ' ' the railway company to 
indefinitely postpone or suspend it " if the court feared the 
rate might be unreasonable was clearly unfair. Why should 
the right of appeal be granted to the railroad and not to the 
shipper? Furthermore, the Governor did not approve of a new 
or larger Interstate Commerce Commission. — The Begister and 
Leader (Des Moines), January 26, 1905. 

361 T/ie Sioux City Journal, February 1, 1905; Decatur 
County Journal (Leon), February 9, 1905; The Begister and 
Leader (Des Moines), February 7, 1905; Congressional Becord, 
58th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 2194, 2205, 2206. 

362 The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), February 10 and 
11, 1905. 

363 Congressional Becord, 5Sth Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 
1954, 2081, Appendix, p. 76; The Sioux City Journal, February 
2, 1905. 

sei The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), January 22, 
1905; Wallaces' Farmer, February 17, 1905; Congressional 
Becord, 58th Congress, 3rd Session, p. 2194. 

^^5 Adams County Union-Bepiiblican (Corning), February 22, 
1905. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 407 

36G Letter to Mrs. William P. Hopburn, dated September 2 
1863; letter from T. O. Bell, dated February 14, 1905; copy of 
a telegram to Henry Wallace, dated February 20, 1905; ' The 
Eegister and Leader (Dcs Moines), February 24, 1905. 

367r;ic Register and Leader (Des Moines), February 24, 
1905; Adams County Union-EepuhUcan (Corning) March 1 
1905. ' ' 

3GS It appears, however, that Henry Wallace was not con- 
vinced of Hepburn's honesty of purpose. A few days later in 
a newspaper statement which smacked of egotism and chagrin 
he expressed gratification "at being able, after some eight 
months of continuous effort, to force from Colonel Hepburn a 
statement of his position", though he regretted having com- 
pelled the Colonel to leave Washington whore his services were 
greatly needed and travel twenty-five hundred miles to present 
his "certificate of char-ac-ter" from the President. He ridi- 
culed the assertion that Hepburn had promoted practically 
every piece of railroad legislation, and he covertly insinuated 
that the Colonel had worked for the Esch-Townseud bill only 
because he knew it would not pass the Senate. — The Eegister 
and Leader (Des Moines), February 26, 1905. 

In striking contrast to the attitude of Mr. Wallace was the 
action of the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce 
in adopting the following resolution: "In almost daily meet- 
ings of our committee during the last two sessions of congress 
the chairman, Col. W. P. Hepburn, has never been questioned. 
His fairness and impartiality are recognized by all. We par- 
ticularly desire to express our appreciation of his honesty of 
purpose, his sincerity of intention, his lack of selfish motives, 
his unfailing patience, his continued good natured persistence 
and his broad and thorough knowledge of the subject, which 
enabled this committee, without friction and without animos- 
ity, to report majority and minority bills concerning the regu- 
lation of railway rates. We feel that with him as chairman we 
are serving under a great statesman and philosopher, inspired 
in all his actions by motives of patriotism. ' ' — The Semi- 
Weeldy lowegian (Centerville), March 3, 1905. 



408 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

360 Ripley's Bailroads: Bates and Begulation, p. 499; copy 
of a letter to Jerome Smith, dated March 7, 1905. 

In May, 1905, William P. Hepburn was officially delegated 
to attend the International Railway Congress in Washington. 
— Certificate signed by Alvey A. Adee, dated March 24, 1905, 
in the Hepburn papers. 

370 Co)igrcssional Becord, 59th Congress, 1st Session, p. 92. 

3"i Earlier in the session Jonathan P. Dolliver had introduced 
a bill in the Senate which, in all the essential features, was 
almost identical with Hepburn's bill. Senator Dolliver was 
supposed to have had the cooperation of President Roosevelt 
and to have followed the recommendations of the Interstate 
Commerce Commission. It is interesting to observe how some 
newspaper editors who were hostile to Colonel Hepburn but 
praised the Dolliver bill experienced considerable difficulty in 
finding defects in the Hepburn measure. — The Begister and 
Leader (Des Moines), December 21, 1905, and January 5 and 
6, 1906. 

372 Congressional Becord, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 577, 
712; H. R. Bill No. 10,099, 59th Congress, 1st Session. 

373 Congressional Becord, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 981, 
1520; The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), January 11, 
1906; House Committee Beports, 59th Congress, 1st Session, 
No. 591, pp. 1, 2; The Outlool; Vol. LXXXII, p. 237. 

Colonel Hepburn was frequently commended during the de- 
bate in the House for his efforts to regulate the railroads and 
the mention of his name was invariably greeted with applause. 
One speaker hoped the chairman of the new Interstate Com- 
merce Commission would possess ' ' such rugged strength, such 
sterling integrity, and such ability, and such wisdom, such 
ripened experience, and genuine manhood" as the author of 
the rate bill. — Congressional Becord, 59th Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, pp. 1904, 2252. 

374 H. R. Bill No. 11,488, 59th Congress, 1st Session. 

375 Current Literature, Vol. XL, p. 242. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 409 

370 Current Literature, Vol. XL, p. 244; Congressional Rec- 
ord, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 1765, 2255, 2257-2263, 
2265, 2269, 2303. Colonel Hepburn afterward stated on the 
floor of the House that the members of the Committee on 
Interstate and Foreign Commerce had agreed to secure the 
enactment of tlie rate recommendations of the President and 
nothing more. They had therefore defeated every amendment 
without regard to tlieir personal views. — Congressional Record, 
59th Congress, 1st Session, p. 7432. 

37-! Senate Committee EepoHs, 59th Congress, 1st Session, 
No. 1242, p. 1; Congressional Record, 59th Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, p. 2968; Dixon's TJie Interstate Commerce Act as Amend- 
ed in The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. XXI, pp. 23, 
24. 

President Eoosevelt regarded the action of the Committee on 
Interstate Commerce in making Senator Tillman sponsor of 
the rate bill as "simply childish". — Eoosevelt 's An Auto- 
biography, p. 475. 

sTs Riploy 's Railroads: Rates and Regulation, p. 498. 

579 Congressional Record, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
3102, 3105, 3108. 

580 The Register and Leader (Des Moines), March 2, 1906; 
Congressional Record, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 6785, 
7088. 

•■^81 Eoosevelt 's An Autobiography, p. 476; The Annals of the 
American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. XXIX, 
p. 298; The Nation, Vol. LXXXII, pp. 127, 374. 

382 House Committee Reports, 59th Congress, 1st Session, No. 
4659. 

383 House Committee Reports, 59th Congress, 1st Session, 
No. 4659; Congressional Record, 59th Congress, 1st Session, p. 
7434. 

39i Congressional Record, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
7851, 7852, 7921, 7922, 7932, 7998, 9106; telegram from H. C. 



410 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Callaway to Theodore Roosevelt, dated June 5, 1906, in the 
Hepburn papers. 

385 Rouse Commiiiee Beports, 59th Congress, 1st Session, 
Nos. 5003, 5076. 

386 Congressional Hecord, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
9079-9084, 9101, 9113, 9258, 9521, 9576, 9586, 9655, 9807. 

Senator Tillman, chief advocate of a stringent commodity 
clause, refused to sign the second and third conference reports 
because he believed the exemption of pipe lines from the list 
of carriers prohibited from transporting their own products 
was a sinister concession to the Standard Oil Company. — 
Jones's The Commodity Clause Legislation and the Anthracite 
Eailroads in The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. XXVII, 
pp. 579-587. 

387 Ripley 's Sailroads: Bates and Begulation, p. 499; 
Dixon's The Interstate Commerce Act as Amended in The 
Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. XXI, p. 25. 

Hepburn 's interest in railroad legislation was by no means 
confined to rate making. On April 2, 1900, he introduced a bill 
requiring railroad ofJficials to investigate and report to the 
Interstate Commerce Commission all passenger train acci- 
dents. Somewhat amended the measure passed Congress and 
was approved by President McKinley on March 3, 1901. As 
chairman of two House conference committees Hepburn was 
instrumental in securing the enactment of a law in 1907 limit- 
ing the hours of employment of trainmen and train dispatchers. 
In the summer of 1907 he made a trip to Europe for the special 
purpose of studying the transportation problem. Most of the 
time from July to October he spent in England and Scotland. 
— Congressional Becord, 56th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 3662, 
6838, 2nd Session, pp. 3493, 3603, 3762, 59th Congress, 2nd 
Session, pp. 3762, 4621; clipping 22 in the Hepburn papers. 

CHAPTEE XXVII 
38S In 1902 Hepburn spoke in favor of more stringent regu- 
lation of the manufacture of oleomargarine. — Congressional 
Becord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 1311. 



NOTES AND TJEPERENCES 411 

3S0 Congressional Eecord, 49tli Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
4902, 4903; House Committee Eeports, 59tli Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, No. 2118, pp. 6, 7. 

^00 CoHf/ressional Becord, 56th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
3500, 5390, 57th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 967, 7337, 7782. 

•■'Ill Congressional Becord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 184, 
3589; House Committee Reports, 57th Congress, 1st Session 
No. 1319. 

302 Congressional Becord, 57th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 203, 
452, 453, 458. 

393 Congressional Record, 57th Congress, 2na Session, pp. 458, 
590, 2647, 2966, 2967. 

304 Congressional Becord, 58th Congress, 1st Session, p. 495, 
2nd Session, pp. 59, 849, 878, 880, 886, 894, 899, 900, 929, 938- 
940. 

39.-, Congressional Record, 5Sth Congress. 2nd Session, pp. 
2848, 5695, 3rd Session, pp. 64, 127, 128, 2(51-263, 3845-3849, 
3852-3855. 

39C Congressional Record, 59tli Congress, 1st Session, pp. 140, 
202, 897, 2773, 3489, 4454. 4450, 6468, 7033, 8018, 8836, 8890; 
The Register and Leader (Des Moines), June 4, 1906. 

307 Congressional Becord, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
8889-8891. 

s^s Congressional Record, 59th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
6465, 8893-8897, 8955, 8956. 

399 Congressional Becord, 59tli Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
9075, 9076, 9111, 9172, 9379-9381, 9655, 9737, 9738, 9740, 
9801. 

400 Congressional Becord, 59th Congress, 1st Session, p. 9738. 

ioi The Clarinda Herald, July 13, 190G; clipping 740 in the 
Hepburn papers. 

The following telegram from President Kooseveit was read 



412 WILLIAM PETEES HEPBURN 

at the reception : "1 heartily congratulate you on having such 
a representative as Colonel Hepburn. His services during this 
session, both in the matter of the rate bill and the Panama 
Canal bill, have been of inestimable value to the whole coun- 
try." 

CHAPTER XXVIII 

402 Preceding the selection of William P. Hepburn for the 
chairman of the Eepubliean caucus of the House of Repre- 
sentatives in 1903 he had been a candidate for the Speaker- 
ship. The same caucus that made him chairman nominated 
Joseph G. Cannon, the former caucus chairman, for Speaker. — 
See below, Chapter XXIX; The Iowa State Register (Des 
Moines), December 1, 1901; The Begister and Leader (Des 
Moines), November 8, 1903. 

Hepburn's power as Republican caucus chairman and his 
dislike for ' ' independent ' ' candidates is illustrated by an inci- 
dent in connection with the organization of the Sixtieth Con- 
gress. Peter A. Porter had been elected on an independent 
ticket from a New York district and received the endorsement 
of the Democratic convention. Hepburn declared he was no 
Republican. Porter retorted that even the decision of the 
' ' omnipotent gentleman from Iowa ' ' could not make him a 
Democrat, and he refused to join the Democratic caucus. He 
was finally admitted by the Republicans. — Loclport Daily 
Journal (New York), November 30, 1907; Biifalo News (New 
York), December 1, 1907. 

i03 XeoTcuh Gate City, February 5, 1916; Who's Who in 
America, 1914-1915, p. 1093. 

Hepburn was a member of the commission to supervise the 
construction of the House Office Building from March 4, 1903, 
until he resigned at the end of his last term in Congress. — 
Congressional Hecord, 57th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 3078, 60th 
Congress, 2nd Session, p. 3802. 

404Haynes's Third Party Movements, p. 463. 

405 TJie Register and Leader (Des Moines), February 9, 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 413 

October 8, and November 10 and 14, 1905; The Scmi-lVeeUy 
lotvegian (Centerville), February 7, 1905; letter from Lewis 
Miles to J. W. Blythe, dated October 20, 1905. 

iOG The Eegister and Leader (Des Moines). December 3, 
1905; copy of a letter to Dan W. Turner, dated November 21, 
1905. 

407Hayiies's Third Party Movemenis, p. 4fil ; letters from 
J. W. Blythe, dated December 28, 1905. and :Nrarch 23, 1906; 
letters from J. H. Tedford, dated April 27 and May 23, 1906; 
letter from C. N. Marvin, dated October 17, 1900. 

*o8 At the same time INIr. Blythe was absolutely opposed to 
the passage of the Hepburn rate bill. In a personal letter to 
the Colonel he declared that it was ' ' very little, if any, better 
than the worst bills that have been offered". — Letter from 
J. W. Blythe, dated February 5. 1900. 

409 Letters from J. W. Blythe. dated December 4 and 28, 
1905, February 5 and 24, and March 23, 1906; letter from 
C. A. Lisle, dated February 14, 1906; letter from Paul 
Maclean, dated April 5, 1906; letter from J. N. Miller, dated 
April 4, 1906; copy of a letter by W. P. Hepburn, dated 
March 31, 1906; The Ringgold Eeeord (Mount Ayr), April 5, 
1906; The Register and Leader (Des Moines), August 1. 1906; 
letter from C. N. Marvin, dated October 17, 1906; copy of a 
letter to J. M. Wilson, dated September 7, 1908. 

410 The Ringgold Record (Mount Ayr), ^ilay 3, 1906; 77(6 
Clarinda Herald, June 5, 1900; telegram from J. .T. Jamison, 
dated June 5, 1906. 

411 Letter from C. N. ALarvin, dated September 27, 1906; 
letter from M. L. Temple, dated November 9, 1906; copy of 
letter from F. D. Ickis to F. P. Woods, dated October 22, 
1906; loira Official Register, 1907-1908, p. 507. 

412 Letters from J. H. Tedford, dated November 7 and 22, 
1906; letter from Howard Tedford, dated November 5, 1906; 
letter from J. W. Blythe, dated November 19, 1906; letter 



414 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

from Smith McPherson, dated Xovember 7, 1906 ; letter from 
J. L. Waite, dated November 8, 1906. 

413 Congressional Record, 59th Congress, 1st Session, p. 5936. 
This quotation is, the conclusion of a long speech in defense of 
a protective tariif, delivered in the House of Representatives 
on April 26, 1906, in reply to John S. Williams, Champ Clark, 
and other Democrats. 

414"! believe that that state or nation is best governed 
when there are two contending parties, each with ideas and 
each in turn responsible for the good or bad that comes to the 
state", said Hepburn in 1915. The members of third parties, 
he declared in 1900, "who insisted that all corruption was to 
be found in the two old parties and that all purity was to be 
found in theirs, these gentlemen who claimed the necessity for 
organizing a new party because the two old parties had for- 
gotten their duty and were recreant to their obligations — 
these gentlemen, after announcing principles, after eulogizing 
them upon the stump, are always ready to sacrifice them, al- 
ways ready to let them slip by if they can secure an advantage 
for themselves". — Iowa House Journal, 1915, p. 826; Congres- 
sional Mecord, 56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 837. 

413 Letter from William F. Stipe, dated January 23, 1908. 

416 Letter from Melvin H. Byers, dated February 10, 1908; 
letter from M. L. Temple, dated April IS, 1908; letter from 
F. H. Laudes to W. F. Stipe, dated May 11, 1908. 

417 Letter from W. F. Stipe to H. E. Morrison, dated May 8, 
1908; letters from E. C. Haynes to W. F. Stipe, dated May 3 
and 11, 1908; letter from Simon Jarvis to W. F. Stipe, dated 
May 11, 1908; letter from J. H. Luse to W. F. Stipe, dated 
May 10, 1908; letter from J. W. Wailes to W. F. Stipe, dated 
May 13, 1908; letter from John Miner to W. F. Stipe, dated 
May 11, 1908; letter from Charles Gray to W. F. Stipe, dated 
May 11, 1908. 

41S T7te Register and Leader (Des Moines), May 28, 1908; 
letter from Willard F. Stookey to W. F. Stipe, dated May 13, 



NOTES AND KEFERENCES 415 

1908; letter from J. H. Tedford to \V. F. Stipe, dated May 20, 
19US; copy of a letter to J. .M. Wilson, dated September 7, 
1908. 

419 Iowa Official Eegister, 1909-1910, pp. 598-000, 612. 

^20 The Clarinda Herald, June 5, 1908; copy of a letter to 
John Verner, dated February 28, 190S. 

421 Mrs. W. P. Hepburn also occupied a seat upon the plat- 
form with the political dignitaries. It had long been her 
custom to attend political conventions with her husband and 
accompany him on long journeys. Throughout the years of 
married life Mrs. Hepburn was the constant companion, con- 
fidant, and adviser of her husband whose devotion to his wife 
grew more profound as the years passed. Their attendance at 
the State convention in June, 1908, revived dim memories of 
Waterloo as a country village on the west bank of the Cedar 
Eiver nearly fifty-three years before when they, happy in the 
companionship of recent marriage and inspired by the autum- 
nal hues of a glorious Indian summer, drove through the 
incipient city in search of a suitable place to found their home. 
— Waterloo Daily Eeporter, June 24 and 25, 190S. 

422 Waterloo Daily Courier, June 25, 1908; Waterloo Daily 
Eeporter, June 25, 1908. 

The sudden death of William B. Allison on August 4th 
opened the way to the Senate for Albert B. Cummins. In 
view of the "division of sentiment" among his friends, 
Colonel Hepburn did not think it wise "to be an active sup- 
porter of anybody." He himself received two votes in the 
extra session of the General Assembly which met on August 
31st to amend the direct primary election law and elect a 
Senator to complete Allison's unexpired term. — Copy of a 
letter to J. M. Wilson, dated September 7, 1908; Iowa House 
Journal (Extra Session), 1908, p. 42; Clark's History of Sena- 
torial Elections in Iowa, pp. 254, 255. 

423 Colonel Hepburn worked earnestly to improve the postal 
facilities in the eighth district. Through his influence more 



416 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

than two himcTred and fifty rural mail routes were established, 
a number probably not exceeded in more than two other Con- 
gressional districts in the United States. Moreover, he 
adopted the policy of obtaining a government building for 
every second class post office in the district. The first bill he 
introduced in Congress provided for a $100,000 building in 
Council Bluffs • — ■ then the only city in the district with an 
office above third class. That measure became a law in 1882. 
— Copy of a letter to W. T. Long, dated March 9, 1908; 
clipping 110 in the Hepburn papers; Congressional Record, 
47th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 98, 958, 4242; House Com- 
mittee Beports, 47th Congress, 1st Session, No. 277. 

When Hepburn returned to Congress in 1893 the Creston 
post office had become second class, and so the first bill he 
introduced was for the erection of a public building. To 
secure a building for a post office alone in a city of less than 
seven thousand population was no easy task, however, and it 
was not until 1899 that he secured the authorization of a 
$50,000 structure in Creston. Even then the legislation was 
accomplished only by a promise that a division of the southern 
federal judicial district of Iowa would be established with 
court and judicial offices at Creston so that the new building 
would serve a double purpose. — Congressional Eecord, 53rd 
Cnngress, 1st Session, p. 1396, 54th Congress, 1st Session, p. 
159, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 380, 1580, 2932; Ce7isiis of 
loiva, 1895, p. 152. 

The southern division of the southern federal judicial dis- 
trict of Iowa with the court held in Creston was established 
by law in 1900.— United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXI, 
p. 249. 

The post office at Centerville had become second class by 
1901, and Hepburn obtained the authorization of a $35,000 
one story building there. The amount was subsequently 
raised to $40,000. Then Clarinda and Shenandoah became 
second class offices simultaneously, and Hepburn undertook 
the difficult work of securing buildings for the two towns of 
scarcely more than four thousand population located in the 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 417 

same county. He began by introducing a bill for a public 
building at Clarinda to cost $80,000 ; and later he went to his 
personal friends on the Committee on Appropriations and pro- 
posed to divide the $80,000 between the two places. After "a 
good deal of trouble" he succeeded, during the first session of 
the Fifty-ninth Congress, in having a $40,000 building author- 
ized for Clarinda and $5000 appropriated to purchase a 
site in Shenandoah. During the second session of the Fifty- 
ninth Congress no new public buildings were authorized, and 
so it was not until 1908 that a $50,000 building was author- 
ized for Shenandoah. — United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 
XXXII, Pt. 1, pp. 316, 1205, Vol. XXXIV, Pt. 1, pp. 778, 
782, 792, 794, 1236, 1296, Vol. XXXV, Pt. 1, pp. 483, 526, 
957; Censits of Iowa, 1905, pp. 668, 677; letter to H. E. 
Deater, dated March 19, 1907. 

424 Copy of a letter from Theodore Roosevelt to W. B. 
McKinley, dated September 9, 1908; typewritten copy of 
resolutions adopted in 1908 by the Page County Republican 
convention in the Hepburn papers; Waterloo Daily Reporter, 
June 24, 1908. 

i^^ The Clarinda Herald, June 5, 1908; The Ecgister and 
Leader (Des Moines), November 22, 1908. 

426 The Begister and Leader (Des Moines), November 22 and 
December 14, 1908; The Sioux City Journal, February 3, 1909. 
See also note 427. 

'^-' The Register and Leader (Des Moines), November 22, 
1908; letter from T. S. Stevens, dated November 4, 1908; 
letter from Scott Skinner, dated November 5, 1908 ; letter from 
W. M. Reece, dated November 8, 1908; letter from M. L. 
Temple, dated November 9, 1908; letter from Howard Ted- 
ford, dated November 8, 1908; letter from J. C. McDonald, 
dated November 12, 1908; Council Bluffs Nonpareil, February 
10, 1916. 

428 loica Official Register, 1909-1910, p. 502. 

429 The splendid work of the United States Revenue Cutter 

28 



418 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

Service in the war with Spain directed attention to the fact 
that the pay and privileges of that service were inferior to the 
Army and Navy, though the duty was scarcely less arduous in 
times of peace than in war. On January 18, 1898, William P. 
Hepburn introduced a bill increasing the pay of chief engi- 
neers, appointing a naval constructor, and granting pensions 
to seamen in the Eevenue Cutter Service, and another author- 
izing the construction of new vessels; but neither of these bills 
was reported to the House. In June the Committee on Inter- 
state and Foreign Commerce reported unanimously in favor of 
a committee bill which made military regulations relating to 
enlistment, discipline, and uniforms applicable to the Cutter 
Service, but the House took no action. Again, in 1899, Colonel 
Hepburn introduced a bill to "promote the efficiency of the 
Eevenue-Cutter Service ' ' which was reported with an amend- 
ment but given no further consideration. — Congressional Eec- 
ord, 55th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 743, 6204-6206, 3rd Ses- 
sion, pp. 1371, 1778. 

Early in January, 1900, Hepburn introduced a measure, iden- 
tical with one sponsored by William P. Frye in the Senate, to 
promote efficiency in the Revenue Cutter Service by establish- 
ing the rank and salary of the officers on a par with cor- 
responding grades in the Army and Navy, providing for 
longevity pay and retirement from active service, and re- 
quiring the Army and Navy to recognize Revenue Cutter offi- 
cers by exchange of military courtesies. Although this bill was 
reported favorably to both the House and Senate and was the 
subject of much favorable comment neither branch of Con- 
gress did more than debate the proposition. Colonel Hepburn 
made a vigorous fight for the Revenue Cutter Service in the 
House but Congress adjourned before he could obtain a vote. 
"I believe this bill ought to pass", he said during the debate. 
"There is an objection in the minds of many, fearing that it 
creates something in the nature of a civil pension. I want to 
remind you that the duties of these officers are not civil any 
more than are the duties of a naval officer. The difference 
between the two is this: A naval officer in time of peace has 



NOTES AND KEP^ERENCES 419 

nothing to do. When we are at war the revenue-cutter officer 
does all that the naval officer does, and when we are at peace 
he then takes up the vocation of an aid to the Secretary of the 
Treasury in collecting the customs revenue." In view of their 
arduous duties, he declared, no class of men in the public 
ser\4ee were so poorly paid. Furthermore, there was no per- 
manent provision for retirement and consequently officers who 
had passed the age of usefulness still filled the higher places 
to the exclusion of younger and more efficient men. — Congres- 
sional Record, 56th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 694, 762, 2nd 
Session, pp. 2918, 3236, 3248; House Committee Reports, 56th 
Congress, 1st Session, No. 466; favorable editorials relating 
to the Revenue Cutter Service in the Hepburn papers. 

In the first session of the Fifty-seventh Congress Senator 
Frye and Colonel Hepburn again introduced companion bills 
with practically the same provisions as before for promoting 
the efficiency of the Revenue Cutter Service. The measure 
passed the Senate, and having been referred to the House 
Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce it was re- 
ported in lieu of the Hepburn bill. Determined opposition led 
by James R. Mann was encountered in the House. The sul> 
stance of the arguments advanced by opponents of the bill 
during the debate which lasted parts of four days was that the 
Revenue Cutter Service was civil in character and that the 
retirement of Revenue Cutter officers on pay would mark the 
beginning of civil service pensions. Friends of the measure 
were in the majority, however, and when Representative Mann 
took the floor to close the debate for the negative ho admitted 
the feebleness of his remarks, especially since he would be 
followed by "the ablest orator and debater in the House" for 
whose judgment he professed great respect and in comparison 
to Avhose ability he acknowledged his own unworthiness "even 
to unloosen the latchets of his shoes." He warned the Con- 
gressmen against being carried away by Colonel Hepburn's 
eloquence. — House Committee Reports, 57th Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, Xo. 622; Congressional Record, 57th Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, pp. 141, 290, 1825, 1826, 3357, 3360, 3623. 



420 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

With his accustomed precision and lucidity the Colonel ex- 
plained the purposes of the bill. The only foundation he 
could discover for the contention of his opponents that the 
Revenue Cutter Service was not military in character seemed 
to be that the cutters did not fight except in time of war. 
' ' Why, my God, my friends, when would you have them 
fight ? " he exclaimed. ' ' Do you want them so organized as is 
my friend from Illinois, w'ho is ready to fight all the time and 
everything? When I have observed that peculiarity on the part 
of my friend from Illinois I have thought that if the theory 
of transmigration of souls is true and he hereafter appeared 
as a later incarnation, he would have the semblance of a mule 
with four hind legs all in active operation. ' ' 

With consummate skill Colonel Hepburn replied to one 
argument after another that had- been advanced by Mr. Mann. 
He quoted the opinions of Secretaries of the Navy and Treas- 
ury — men who knew ' ' something about the subject ' ' in con- 
trast to the gentleman from Illinois who had spent eighteen 
months unearthing frauds and "bringing these reptiles of the 
sea into full view ' ' — ■ to prove that the service was naval in 
character and worthy of retirement with pay. Eloquent in- 
deed were the pictures he painted of the hazards, hardships, 
and the heroism of the E«venue Cutter Service. Efforts of 
opponents to defeat the measure by destructive amendments 
and dilatory motions were frustrated and the long-delayed, 
"meritorious and just" bill passed Congress on April 3, 1902, 
and was approved nine days later. — Congressional Record, 57th 
Congress, 1st Session, pp. 3626-3628, 3639, 4031. 

In 1904 and again in 1907 Colonel Hepburn introduced bills 
to promote the efficiency of the Revenue Cutter Service, the 
latter at the request of Leslie M. Shaw, Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, but neither of these measures was reported to the House 
by his Committee. In 1906 a bill to regulate enlistments and 
discipline in the Service passed the Senate, and Hepburn 
supported it successfully in the House. Early in the first 
session of the Sixtieth Congress companion bills to increase 
the number of officers and the pay in the Revenue Cutter Ser- 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 421 

vice were introduced in the House and Senate by Hepburn and 
Frye at the urgent request of the Secretary of tlie Treasury. 
The Senate bill passed first without debate and was agreed to 
by the House with very little discussion. — Congressional Rec- 
ord, 58th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 1646, 59th Congress, Ist 
Session, pp. 7183, 7184, 2nd Session, p. 2256, 60th Congress, 
1st Session, pp. 135, 224, 916, 4555-4560; letter from L. M. 
Shaw, dated January 7, 1907; letter from Worth G. Ross, 
dated January 8, 1908. 

Busy with the problems that grew out of the regulation of 
commerce Colonel Hepburn nevertheless retained the interest 
in military affairs that he had gained by years of active ser- 
vice. Perhaps it was the recollection of Civil War recruiting 
methods that prompted him to suggest in 1894 that the ex- 
pense of recruiting the army if paid in the form of bounties 
to the soldiers, would relieve many officers and soldiers for 
field service and go a long way toward solving the problem of 
desertion. Army reorganization based on Spanish War ex- 
perience drew from the Colonel remarks on the length of the 
battle line that should be occupied by a regiment, the number 
of officers in proportion to enlisted men, and the promotion of 
volunteer officers. He would have had the supply departments 
of the army filled by civilians, in order that the experience of 
experts in transportation and business might be utilized. 
This opinion was prophetic of the methods employed so suc- 
cessfully by the United States in the World War. To increase 
the efficiency of the Signal Corps, which he realized was dis- 
placing the cavalry as the eye of the army, he proposed in 
1908 that the personnel be increased, that the resultant pro- 
motions be according to seniority, and that the officers and 
men assigned to duty with troops should constitute part of the 
line of the army. The interest of Colonel Hepburn in the 
Signal Corps was determined somewhat no doubt by the fact 
that his son, Charles B. Hepburn, was a captain in that branch 
of the army. Coast defences he thought should not be neg- 
lected on account of the tendency to rely upon the Navy for 
protection against invasion. The practice of hazing at the 



422 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

United States military and naval academies -was bitterly de- 
nounced by the Colonel, not only because it was in violation 
of the law but because it trained future officers in tyranny 
and disqualified them to command American citizens. — Co7i- 
gressional Eecord, 43rd Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 375, 376, 
5.5th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 3622, 3625, 3626, 3rd Session, 
p. 2684, 56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 4231, 2nd Session, pp. 
71, 84, 57th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 799, 59th Congress, 1st 
Session, pp. 4240, 4241, 4247; copy of H. E. Bill No. 12,890, 
60th Congress, 1st Session, in the Hepburn papers. 

Colonel Hepburn was always an advocate of preparedness 
but he was absolutely "opposed to the civil branch of the 
Government being dominated by the military. ' ' He felt that 
the functions of the Navy and War Departments were being 
usurped by the Army and Navy officers who had no business 
there. "We ought not to yield to the encroachments of a 
military class ' ', he declared. — Congressional Eecord, 56th 
Congress, 2nd Session, p. 3087, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 
5578. 

In the judgment of the Colonel less time should be spent in 
maneuvers to perfect the appearance of soldiers and more at- 
tention devoted to target practice to increase their efficiency. 
He recalled that his regiment in the Civil War had drilled for 
months in evolutions and tactics that were never used in actual 
service while accurate shooting was neglected with the result 
that more than a hundred cartridges were discharged to kill 
or wound a single enemy. He consistently advocated larger 
appropriations for target practice both in the Army and 
Navy, but considered the expenditure of funds for militia en- 
campments as "an absolute waste of money." Liberal in 
expenditures for proper purposes, he was nevertheless vigilant 
in detecting extravagance. He particularly denounced the 
practice of paying enormous profits to monopolistic companies 
for armor plate and smokeless powder. — Congressional Record, 
55th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 1324, 2249, 57th Congress, 2nd 
Session, pp. 799, 2323, 59th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 844, 
1111. 



NOTES AND KEPERENCES 423 

In 1909 Colonel Hepburn led the fight in the House for two 
new battleships. His observation taught him that the time 
for universal peace had not yet arrived and that the nation 
least assailed and most secure "has the largest armies and the 
most efficient and disciplined navy." The contention of 
James A. Tawney that the sole purpose of building more 
battleships "was because of an auiTjition to excel in naval 
architecture" he scouted "as an insult to the American peo- 
ple." In less than a century the United States engaged in 
four wars for every one of which the country was unprepared. 
After ridiculing the attitude that America had no need of 
armament the Colonel declared that "if an insult comes to our 
Government from any foreign government, there will be 
rei)aration or war. Why talk about peace when we recognize 
that fact?" As for himself he wanted "such a navy as will 
suggest to our proposed assailants that there is peril in the 
assault." — Congressional Eecord. 59th Congress, 1st Session, 
p. 8886, GOth Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 1306, 1307. 

430 Telegram from G. D. Perkins, dated November 4, 1908; 
letter from I. P. Wanger, dated November 5, 1908 ; letter from 
C. H. Grosvenor, dated November 14, 1908; letter from Wil- 
liam Eichardson, dated November 12, 1908; letter from C. .\. 
Stanton, dated November 5, 1908 ; letter from Frank Ham- 
mond, dated November 11, 1908; letter from Milton Remley, 
dated November 5, 1908; letter from W. A. Glassford, dated 
November 5, 1908; letter from Worth G. Eoss, dated November 
9, 1908; letter from Francis E. Hamilton, dated November 8, 
1908; telegram from W. H. Taft, dated November 6, 1908; 
letter from Theodore Eoosevelt, dated November 7, 1908. 

•431 Letter to Hepburn Chamberlain, dated November 10, 
1908; copy of a letter to D. W. Turner, dated November 21, 
1905. 

•132 Letter from M. L. Temple, dated November 9, 1908; 
letter from J. M. Hedge, dated November 17, 1908; letter 
from Warren F. Thummel, dated November 25, 1908; copy of a 
letter to J. J. Jamison and M. L. Temple, dated December 3, 



424 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

3 908; copy of a letter to M. L. Temple, dated February 10, 
1909; clipping 408 in the Hepburn papers. See also The Beg- 
ister and Leader (Des Moines), November 28 and December 
21, 1908, for unfavorable comment. 

433 Letter from A. B. Thornell, dated November 5, 1908; 
letter to A. B. Thornell, dated November 10, 1908; The Sioux 
City Journal, November 5 and 6, 1908. 

434 Letter to John N. Miller, dated December 7, 1909; letter 
from W. H. Taft to W. C. Adamson, dated June 5, 1909. 

CHAPTER XXIX 

435 Ng^^ Yorl' Tribune, February 9, 1916. 

436 Hepburn 's proposed amendment to the rules making it 
obligatory for the Speaker to recognize any member, if in 
order, was defeated by a vote of fifty to eighty-five. — Con- 
gressional Becord, 53rd Congress, 1st Session, p. 1147. 

437 Congressional Becord, 53rd Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
1043, 1144, 1145, 54th Congress, 1st Session, p. 575. 

438 Congressional Becord, 55th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 16- 
18; Smith's Parliamentary Beform in the National Rouse of 
Bepresentatives in The Chaxitauquan , Vol. XXX, p. 239. 

439 Congressional Becord, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 
1874, 1877, 1953. 

At another time when a minority member suggested that 
any ruling of the Chair was subject to the will of the House 
on an appeal from thaf decision, Hepburn pronounced it a 
"most astonishing declaration". When reminded of his vote 
to override the decision of the Chair in connection with the 
Nicaragua canal bill he replied that he had so voted not for 
the purpose of changing the rules but because he believed a 
particular rule had been improperly interpreted. — Congres- 
sional Becord, 58th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 3146, 3147. 

440 William P. Hepburn was prominently mentioned to suc- 
ceed Thomas B. Reed as Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives in 1899, but long before the Fifty-sixth Congress con- 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 425 

vened it was known that David B. Henderson would be the 
choice of the Eepiiblicans.- Clipping 5SG in the Hepburn 
papers. 

441 T/ie New Yorlc World (Tri-weekly). December 1, 1899; 
The Iowa State Begister (Weekly. Des Moines), December 8, 
1899; The Chautauqiian , Vol. XXX, p. 242. 

442 In the allotment of seats for the Fifty-sixth Congress, 
Colonel Hepburn was compelled to go to the "Cherokee Strip" 
on the Democratic side of the House. He was received with 
applause by the Democrats. — The Burlington Hawk-Eije 
(Weekly), December 7, 1899. 

ii^ The New York World (Tri-weekly), December 4, 1S99; 
Congressional Record, 56th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 6, 7. 

444 Hepburn suggested that the proper size of the House of 
Representatives might be determined by restoring the original 
ratio of numerical strength that had been established between 
the House and the Senate. In the First Congress there were 
twenty-six Senators and sixty-five Representatives, which Hep- 
burn interpreted to mean that the political power of a Senator 
should be two and one-half times as great as that of a Repre- 
sentative. On that basis there would have been two hundred 
and twenty-five Representatives in 1901, while as a matter of 
fact there were three hundred and fifty-seven. — Congressional 
Record, 56th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 658. 

44.5 Congressional Record, 56th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
658, 659. 

Much as he desired a revision of the rules that would per- 
mit more freedom of debate and individual initiative, there 
were times when the Colonel himself was forced to support the 
most arbitrary procedure. He was "especially aggrieved" by 
the action of the minority at the end of the last session of 
the Fifty-seventh Congress when the Democrats attempted to 
prevent the passage of the great appropriation bills by fili- 
buster. "I have for a long time been complaining of the 
severity and rigor of the rules as they have been adopted," 
said Hepburn, "and especially do I dislike being compelled in 



426 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

the public service and in order that righteousness may prevail 
to force upon you other rules that are still more hateful to 
my sensibilities. ' ' Unpleasant though it was, however, he 
warned the opposition that their efforts would be abortive, 
and that the necessary legislation would be enacted. — Con- 
gressional Eecord, 57th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 2921. 

446 Previous to the caucus meeting Speaker Henderson con- 
ferred with Colonel Hepburn on the subject of rules. — Letter 
from D. B. Henderson, dated November 2.5, 1901. 

447 The restoration of the "morning hour" would have 
made special orders from the Committee on Rules almost un- 
necessary. 

448 The New York Times, December 1, 1901. 

449 Congressional Eecord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 
46, 47. 

4'''io Other men who were suggested for the Speakership were 
Joseph G. Cannon, James S. Sherman, Sereno E. Payne, 
Theodore E. Burton, Charles E. Littlefield, James A. Tawney, 
and Charles H. Grosvenor. — The Des Moines Daily Capital, 
September 18, 1902. 

4"ii The Register and Leader (Des Moines), September 17 
and 24, 1902. 

Advocates of reciprocity with Cuba urged that it would 
alleviate suffering on the island. Even if it was not true that 
the Cubans were all employed at unusually high wages, Hep- 
burn denied that reciprocity would fulfill a ' ' charitable and 
kindly purpose. ' ' With only one sugar buyer in the United 
States, undisturbed by competition, sugar prices would not be 
fixed by the Cubans, and the ' ' kindly aid ' ' for ' ' destitute 
Cubans" would fill the coffers of the sugar trust. Further- 
more, it was proposed that the Cubans should adopt the exclu- 
sion laws, contract labor laws, and immigration laws of the 
United States at a time when nine-tenths of the island was 
not cultivated on account of the lack of labor. ' ' What will 
the critic of the future .... say of the generosity of 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 407 

the United States?" exclaimed Ilopbuiu. Finally, he feared 
that the contemplated twenty per cent reduction "of the duty 
on Cuban sugar would destroy the infant beet-sugar industry 
in the United States. Wlien the Cuban reciprocity bill passed 
the House in November, 1903, Hepburn reluctantly voted in 
the affirmative. "I do it because the large majority of my 
associates seem to think that it is necessary, because the Ad- 
ministration very heartily approves of it, because the last 
Republican State convention of the State of Iowa declared in 
favor of it", said he in explanation.— Congressional Record, 
57th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 4382, 4383, nSth Congress, 1st 
Session, p. 365. 

i-^The Register and Leader (Des Moines), October 13 and 

17, 1902. 

^^'3 The Eegisfer and Leader (Des Moines). October 17 and 
November 11, 1902; letter from H. E. Deenier, dated November 
10, 1902. 

Again in 1908 Colonel Hepburn was mentioned as a suitable 
candidate to displace Speaker Cannon. The discussion was 
ended, however, by a statement from the Colonel tliat he had 
no desire to assume the burdens and responsibilities of the 
position. His failure to be elected to the Si.xty-first Congress 
precluded any possibility of occupying the Speaker's chair. — 
Creston Adveriiser-Gazette, April 2, 1908. 

■i^* The Register and Leader (Des Moines), November 16, 
1902, and November 8, 1903. 

*■'■'■'• Colonel Hepburn's work in the Sixtieth Congress was not 
confined to revision of the rules. He tried to secure the enact- 
ment of laws regulating the liquor traffic, the trusts, injunc- 
tions, and immigration into Hawaii, promoting the efficiency 
of the Revenue Cutter Service, the Signal Corps, and the 
Marine Hospital Service, providing for a post office at Shenan- 
doah, amending the Pension Act of 1907. and eliminating 
illegitimate speculation. Hepburn thought that the stock 
gamblers "did more than any other class of men, through 
their influence with the banks of the cities, ' ' to cause the 



428 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

financial panic of 1907. He estimated that 40,000,000 shares 
had been bought and sold on the New York Stock Exchange in 
1906 and that the banks of the city had furnished $3,600,- 
000,000 at very high interest rates to carry on these trans- 
actions. "If that is true," he said, "if this great proportion 
of the banking capital of New York was thus absorbed in il- 
legitimate business, is it any wonder that later on when 
legitimate transactions were to be conducted, and men in 
ordinary business sought the banks for usual accommodations, 
that the banks were unable to supply their customers and that 
ordinary legitimate business languished?" — Congressional 
Eecord, 60th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 1498, 1499. 

When President Roosevelt recommended Federal legislation 
to penalize stock gambling Hepburn introduced a bill on 
March 2, 1908, placing a tax of fifty cents ' ' on each share of 
one hundred dollars of face value or fraction thereof" in the 
case of "all sales, agreements to sell or memoranda of sales 
or delivery or transfer of shares or certificates of stock". — 
Congressional Eecord, 60th Congress, 1st Session, p. 2785; 
The Outloolc, Vol. LXXXVIII, pp. 570, 571 ; New York World, 
March 3, 1908. 

The Hepburn bill raised a storm of protest in financial 
centers. "There is no question but what such a bill, if made 
into a law by Congress, would stop all speculation ' ', wrote the 
editor of The Financial World. "It would close the New 
York Stock Exchange. It would choke up at once the only 
free market for our securities. It would dam up so effectually 
the sources of capital necessary for the development of our 
resources that new enterprises of large scope could not raise 
any money. It would cause a drop in real estate values in the 
Wall Street district, estimated at least $500,000,000. And 
finally, this very measure, which is intended to prohibit specu- 
lation instead of controlling persons who live by wits on other 
people's money, will fall most severely on innocent share- 
holders who. when they want to sell their securities, will find it 
difficult to find buyers for them." Another argument against 
the Hepburn bill was that a tax based on the face value of 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 429 

shares would result iu discriuiinatlon against all stocks selling 
below par. Although it was stated that the measure met the 
approval of the President, the Committee on Ways and Means 
to which it was referred never reported.— T/ie Financial 
World, March 7, 1908; New York IVorld, March 3, 1908. 
•45« The Sioux City Journal, December 12 and 17, 1908. 

457 Congressional Bccord, 60tli Congress, 2nd Session pp 
274r-277, 

458 Congressional Record, 60th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
579-589, 599-605, 610, 2653. 

450 The Sioux City Journal, January 28 and February 9 and 
10, 1909; Congressional Bccord, 60th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 
605. 

Another resolution signed by seven Representatives who 
refused to support the amendments offered by the main body 
of "insurgents" provided for "calendar Tuesday" only. A 
similar resolution proposing a ' ' calendar Tuesday ' ' had pre- 
viously been introduced by Augustus P. Gardner on January 6, 
1909. — The Sioux City Journal, February 10, 1909; Congres- 
sional Becord, 60th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 566, 005, 2116. 

460 r7,e New York Sun, February 19, 1909; Congressional 
Becord, 60th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 2653-2655. 

461"! think that there could lie no more faulty system of 
legislation than that which proceeds by the log-rolling system 
that we denominate as 'unanimous consent' ", said Hepburn 
in the course of his remarks. Unanimous consent, he asserted, 
does not imply familiarity with a subject or even consent in a 
proper sense. It simply means that, inasmuch as most bills 
are passed by unanimous consent, no member cares to assume 
the odium of objection lest when his turn comes another mem- 
ber, "with a memory sharpened by disappointment, may rise 
to stick the javelin of 'I object!' into his little measure."— 
Congressional Becord, 60th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 2654. 

462 In discussing the faults of thfe committee system Hep- 
burn suggested that it was unwise to authorize standing com- 



430 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

mittees to sit during the sessions of the House because the 
practice could prevent a quorum. Moreover, it gave an excuse 
for members not being present when important questions were 
being considered in the House. The Committee on Interstate 
and Foreign Commerce never asked consent to sit during the 
sessions of the House and did not make a practice of doing so. 
— Congressional Becord, 60th Congress, 1st Session, p. 465. 

Committees of conference, said Hepburn, on another occa- 
sion, were ' ' constantly encroaching upon the prerogatives and 
rights of the House. ' ' He objected to the custom of referring 
bills that had been amended by the Senate to conference com- 
mittees without discussion or recommendations. * ' How many 
times have things important to the House been surrendered by 
its conferees and the House placed in a position where it 
could not protect itself? I think it is time that something 
should be done; that the conference committees of the House 
should be given to understand their duties in this matter. ' ' 
He reminded the House that the conferees were members of 
the standing committee that had reported the bill originally. 
"If it is an amendment put on in the House, in almost every 
instance it is an amendment against the preference of the 
committee; and if they maintain the views of the House, they 
surrender their own. So it often happens that these gentle- 
men, beaten in the House, get their revenge by surrendering 
to the Senate amendments, often possibly securing their re- 
enactment in order that they may agree to them. ' ' — Congres- 
sional Becord, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 5695. 

463 Congressional Becord, 60th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 
2655, 3567, 3568, 3572. 

One reason for the failure of the ' ' insurgents ' ' in the 
Sixtieth Congress was a difference of opinion among them- 
selves. Twenty-nine radicals, led by Hepburn, believed no 
modification of the rules would be salutary unless the Speaker 
was stripped of his power. The other group, consisting of 
those who introduced the resolution for ' ' calendar Tuesday ' ' 
only, simply wanted the rules relaxed so as to permit more 
freedom of initiative in calling up legislation for considera- 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 431 

tion. Speaker Cannon reached an afrreemont with the second 
group which resulted in the Committee on Rules offering an 
amendment providing for "calendar Wednesday", which was 
adopted. Thus the plans of the radical "insurgents" were 
frustrated. On March 3rd the efforts of the twenty-nine "in- 
surgents" were further discredited by a report from a special 
committee that the introduction of bills or resolutions by 
more than one member was " unauthorized".— iVew York 
Evening Post, February 22, 1909; Congressional Ferord, (50th 
Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 3808-3811. 



CHAPTER XXX 

40* ' ' I find that every step of progress made in a state and 
nation, every law lifting humanity higher, every law bringing 
blessing to mankind, has been wrought out by partisans" 
declared Hepburn in 1915. — Iowa House Journal, 1915, pp. 
825, 826. 

t^-' To the advice and assistance of William P. Hepburn 
many a man may attribute his success in life. William Orr is 
one who, as a young man beginning his career, was enabled to 
surmount adversity by virtue of Colonel Hepburn 's friendly 
aid. "I stand with memory flooded with recollections of 
words of advice, encouragement and cheer, spoken to me by 
you, as they have been spoken to many others in this audi- 
ence, when life's path seemed neither very bright nor liroad; 
of loving deeds done by you and your family when T went 
down in the dark valley beside the deep waters", said Mr. 
Orr on one occasion. The Colonel always delighted in helping 
worthy and earnest young people. During the years he was in 
Congress the influence he exerted in shaping the lives of a 
number of young men for whom he made an education avail- 
able by means of government positions was scarcely less 
praiseworthy than his public deeds. Among the Hepburn 
papers there are many letters of appreciation for money 
loaned and favors bestowed. — The Clarinda Ecrald, October 
13, 1905, and February 10, 1910; The Clarinda Journal, Feb- 



432 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

ruary 17, 1916; letter from Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain 
to Beuj. F. Shambaugh, dated August 25, 1917. 

4CG To those who were privileged to observe, the domestic life 
of Colonel Hepburn became an ideal. "Never was the unity, 
harmony, and the purity of the American home more beauti- 
fully exemplified than in the home life of Mr. Hepburn and 
his wife", said Horace M. Towner in 1916. — Letter from 
Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain to Benj. F. Shambaugh, dated 
August 25, 1917; Congressional Eecord, 64th Congress, 1st 
Session, p. 6044. 

467 On February 24, 1909, the Committee on Interstate and 
Foreign Commerce met in honor of the retiring members — 
William P. Hepburn, James S. Sherman, and William H. Eyan. 
Charles E. Townsend, on behalf of the Committee, presented 
Colonel Hepburn with a chair, trusting that it would prove 
comfortable in the succeeding years. The men "who so hap- 
pily served under you around this table", declared Townsend, 
* ' will always cherish your memory, and whenever time and 
circumstances shall make it possible for you to come here you 
will be a welcome guest — no, not a guest, but always the 
head of the family. ' ' Colonel Hepburn replied that his long 
service on the Committee had been made pleasant by the 
friendship of the members. He would leave his place with 
regret, he said, but he realized that he was growing old and 
confessed that he looked forward "to a period of repose with 
a great deal of gratification." — Presentations to Retiring 
Members of the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Com- 
merce, February 24, 1909, in the Hepburn papers. 

468 Letter to Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain, dated October 
21, 1907; letter to R. H. Chamberlain, dated July 31, 1914; 
letter from Hepburn Chamberlain, dated May 25, 1914; letter 
from Margaret Hepburn Chamberlain to Benj. F. Shambaugh, 
dated August 25, 1917. 

469 Mount Ayr Eecord-Ncws, February 22, 1916; letter to 
Mrs. W. P. Hepburn, dated August 1, 1863. 

470 Copy of a letter to J. N. Miller, dated December 7, 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 433 

1909; elippincrs 67 ami 223 in tlie Troi)l)urn pai)ors; letter to 
Hepburn Clianiberlain, dated August 12, 1911. 

-471 Letters frona ,11. W. Wiley, dated July 13 and Aufrust 1, 
1911; The Bevieiv of Bevicws, Vol. XLIV, pp. 270, 393; The 
Outlook, Vol. XCVIII, p. 599. 

472 Copy of a letter from William P. Hepburn, dated Janu- 
ary 28, 1910. 

In order to secure party harmony in the campaign of 1910, 
Hepburn would have supported Dan W. Turner for Congress 
from the eighth district, which was "surely making some 
sacrifice". 

4'3 Prior to 1910 Hepburn thought that after Cummins se- 
cured a seat in the Senate prudence would dictate to him the 
wisdom of working for the unity of the party. After ob- 
serving the Senator's conduct and reading some of his speeches, 
however, Hepburn concluded that "the field of his political 
ambition was not bounded by the meagre limits of Iowa", 
and that his purpose, like that of La Follette and Clapp, was 
to organize a new party in which they would be prominent. — 
Copy of a letter from William P. Hepburn, dated .Tanuary 28, 
1910. 

474 The Neio International Year Bool; 1910, p. 382. 

4"5 The Hegister and Leader (Des Moines), August 3 and 4, 
1910; The Sioux City Journal, August 4, 1910; The Des Moines 
Capital, August 4, 1910. 

476 Roosevelt 's The New Nationalism, pp. 3-33; The Amer- 
ican Year Bool; 1910, p. 52, 1911, p. 08; letter to Thomas E. 
Powers, dated February 21, 1912. 

Colonel Hepburn did not want a pure democracy substituted 
for the representative democracy in the United States. "The 
pretense for the change ' ', he said, ' ' lies in the claim that 
Eepresentatives in the Legislatures and Congress, and otlier 
public servants do not perform their duty. The true remedy 
for that is to be found in frequent elections. If in the elec- 
tions proper, selections are not made the fault is on the part 

29 



434 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

of the people who vote. If they make mistakes in the selec- 
tion of men to represent them, will they not be much more 
likely to make mistakes when they undertake to enact a law, 
or directly to approve a law? If they make mistakes in the 
selection of a judge will they not be liable equally to make 
mistakes in the recall of a judge? If this system of recall 
should be inaugurated what decent man would accept office?" 
' ' The failure of the more competent men to vote, is the 
great curse of our political system ' ', declared the Colonel. 
"We have not had a presidential election in fifty years, in 
M'hich if all of the voters had been present at the polls, a dif- 
ferent result might not have happened. . . . The ab- 
senteeism is found in the more intelligent, the more virtuous 
citizens, and those that have the greatest interest at stake be- 
cause of their property. . . . Eather than change our 
system of representative government, I would adopt some 
means by which all men entrusted with the voting power were 
compelled to vote both at the primary and at the election. 
This would be possible through the imposition of fines, or of 
temporary disfranchisement. ' '— Letter to Thomas E. Powers, 
February 21, 1912. 

4'T Letter to Thomas E. Powers, dated February 21, 1912. 

478 Letter to John N. Miller, dated January 15, 1912; letter 
to Thomas E. Powers, dated February 21, 1912. 

470 The Cedar Bapids Eepublican, April 23 and 25, 1912 ; 
letter to Hepburn Chamberlain, dated April 29, 1912. 

480 Letter to Hepburn Chamberlain, dated June 25, 1912. 

481 Letter to E. P. Heizer, dated October 3, 1914. 

482 Colonel Hepburn delivered a number of public addresses 
after 1909, probably the most important of which was a speech 
to an association of railroad men in New York City. On 
August 25, 1910, he spoke to the old settlers of Johnson County, 
Iowa; he was one of the principal orators at the dedication of 
the Keokuk Dam on August 27, 1913; he addressed the pioneer 
law-makers of Iowa on March 11, 1915; and on July 8, 1915, 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 435 

he delivered an address at Atlantic City on the subject of 
"Public Sentiment and Reform. "— Letter from Margaret 
Hepburn Chamberlain to Benj. F. Shambaugh, dated Septem- 
ber 23, 1917; Proceedings of the Forty-fourth Annual Meeting 
of the Old Settler's Association of Johnson County, Iowa. pp. 
13-17; The Burlington Hawk-Eye, August 27, 1913; loua 
House Journal, 1915, pp. 825-827; letter from Howard If. 
Russell, dated June 30, 1915. 

4S3 Letter to Hepburn Chamborlain, dated July 8 1910. 

^Si Journal of the Forty-first Annual Encampment, Depart- 
ment of Iowa, Grand Army of the Eepuhlic, 1915, ]->]■>. 78, 159, 
182-186. 

William P. Hepburn was an influential member of the Grand 
Army of the Republic. In 1878 he helped to organize a G. 
A. R. post at Clarinda and acted as the commanding colonel 
at a soldiers' reunion at Clarinda on May 29, 30, and 31, 1878. 
In November, 1879, he was judge-advocate on the staff of H. E. 
Griswold, which escorted U. S. Grant across Iowa as he was 
returning from his trip around the world. Whenever it was 
possible Hepburn attended G. A. R. encampments. In 1887 
he was a delegate to the Iowa encampment in Dubuque and 
received fourteen votes on the first ballot for department com- 
mander. In 1915 he was the alternate delegate-at -large from 
Iowa to the national G. A. R. encampment in Washington, 
D. C. — History of Page County, Iowa (Iowa Historical Com- 
pany), pp. 526-528; Journal of the Ninth Annual Session of 
the Department of Iowa, Grand Army of the Eepuhlic, 1883, 
pp. 38, 40, 47, 50; Journal of the Thirteenth Annual Encamp- 
ment, Department of Iowa, Grand Army of the Eepuhlic, 1887, 
pp. 23, 108. 

485 The Sioux City Journal, November 30, 1915, and February 
8, 1916; Tri-WeeUy Sentinel-Post (Shenandoah), February 9, 
1916; The Clarinda Herald, February 10, 1916. 

Colonel Hepburn was survived by his wife and two children 
— Margaret and Charles. His daughter Edith died on January 
15, 1913. Mrs. Hepburn, now in her eighty-second year 



436 WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN 

(July, 1919), is living in Washington, D. C, with her 
daughter Margaret, the wife of K. H. Chamberlain. Charles 
Hepburn, who served in the Signal Corps during the Spanish- 
American War and was commissioned captain in the regular 
army in 1901, is now on the retired list. — Clipping 182 in the 
Hepburn papers; Heitman's Historical Begister and Dictionary 
of the United States Army, 1889-1903, Vol. I, p. 525. 

486 The Clarinda Journal, February 17, 1916. 

In 1907 Colonel Hepburn reserved two lots in Arlington 
Cemetery — number 1477 for himself and number 1480 for his 
son Charles. — Letter to George Ruhlen, dated February 16, 
1907. 

4ST The Clarinda Journal, February 17, 1916. 

488 Neiv York Tribune, February 9, 1916. 

"Iowa has had few men in national life so strong, so self- 
reliant and so aggressive as Colonel Hepburn, ' ' wrote the edi- 
tor of the Des Moines Register and Leader in 1905. Whatever 
his faults may have been, ' ' dissembling for the sake of curry- 
ing favor'' was not one of them. "I want to do Avhat is 
right ' ', he is reported to have declared. ' ' I must live with 
myself the balance of my days and I want to be at peace with 
myself." — The Register and Leader (Des Moines), February 
25, 1905; The Clarinda Herald, February 10, 1916. 

489 The Clarinda Journal, February 17, 1916. 

400 Resolutions of Warren Post, No. 11, G-. A. R., on the 
death of Colonel W. P. Hepburn, signed by J. N. Miller, 
Henry Loranz, and H. F. Hitchcock, in the Hepburn papers. 

491 Resolutions of the Committee on Interstate and Foreign 
Commerce on the death of William P. Hepburn, signed by 
W. C. Adamson, in the Hepburn papers. 

492 Copy of a letter from James S. Clarkson to H. M. 
Towner, June 25, 1916; Congressional Record, 64th Congress, 
1st Session, pp. 6043-6045. 



INDEX 



4.S7 



INDEX 



Accidents, report of, on railroads, 
410 

Accounts, publicity of, 264, 265 

Acting inspector general of cav- 
alry, Hepburn as, 71 

Adams, John, 5 

Adams County, 100, 102, 377 

Adamson, William C, opinion of 
Hepburn expressed by, 222 ; 
opposition of, to pure food bill, 
280, 283, 284; friendship of, 
for Hepburn, 308 

Adulteration, prohibition of, 276, 
277, 278, 279, 283 

Agricultural products, reciprocity 
in, 226 

Agriculture, promotion of, by 
Heplnirn, 132 (see also Depart- 
ment of Agriculture and Secre- 
tary of Agriculture) 

Alaska, 158 

Albay (Philippine Islands), 241 

Albion, newspaper of, 32 

Alcoholic Liquor Traffic, Commit- 
tee on, Hepburn on, 128, 376; 
report by, 3 77 

Aldrich, Nelson W., opposition of, 
to Hepburn rate bill, 268; op- 
position of, to pure food bill, 
281 

Alfred the Great, 196 

Alien contract labor laws (see 
Contract labor laws) 

Allen, Ethan, 4 

Alliances, advocacy of, by Hep- 
burn, 195 

Allison, William B., 43, 261, 297. 
301. 308. 351, 382; defense of, 
by Hepburn, 130; candidacy of, 
for President, 142-1 45, "iSO- 
182; record of, 143, 144; char- 
acter of, 143, 144; refusal of 
Cabinet position by, 145 ; sup- 
port of Hepburn by, 165; Hep- 
burn rate bill amended by, 271; 
nomination of, for Senate, 299; 
death of. 415 

Americanization, attitiide of Hep- 
burn on, 155, 199 

Americans, protection of. 340 

Amov (China). Taft partv at, 
242 



Anarchy, 397, 398 

Anderson, Albert R., candidacy 
of, for Congress, 99-104. 133, 
136; attitude of, on tarilT, 133, 
137; attitude of, on railroad 
regulation, 133, 135, 137, 138; 
record of, as railroad commis- 
sioner, 135, 137, 138; debates 
of, with Hepburn, 136138, 381, 
382; election of, to Congress, 
138, 139; retirement of, 100; 
reference to, 308 ; career of, 
380 

Anderson, John A., filibuster by, 
115 

Andersonville prison, cruelties in, 
124 

Annapolis, hazing at, 421, 422 

Anson, Henry, Marshalltown found- 
ed by, 19; reference to, 33 

Anthony, Susan B., 399 

Antietam, battle of, 122 

Anti-Monopolists, personnel of, 
97; attitude of Hepburn to- 
ward, 97 

Appanoose County, 164, 297, 298, 
304, 377 

Appraisers' warehouse, 158 

Appropriation bills, privileges of, 
203, 204 

Appropriations, Committee on, 417 

Arbitration, attitude of Hepburn 
on, 178, 388; demand for. 388 

Arithmetic, study of, bv Hepburn, 
10 

Arizona, admission of, 178 

Arkansas, Congressman from. 5; 
Hepburn in, 82 ; reference to, 
389 

Arlington Cemetery, 371 ; Hep- 
burn's lots in, 436 

Armor plate, 422 

Army, services of Hepburn's an- 
cestors in, 2-4; Hoiilmrn's ca- 
reer in, 48-87; attitude of Hep- 
burn toward standing, 170; 
engineers from, 202, 208; re- 
cruiting of. 421; organization 
of. 421; training of officers for, 
422; training of, 422 

Army of the Cumberland, 78. 80 

Army of the Mississippi, 61, 63, 

4.39 



440 



INDEX 



71, 75; commander of, 76; ac- 
tivities of, 77; cavalry in. 361 

Army of the Ohio, 76, 77 

Army of the Potomac, command 
of, 122 

Arnold, Benedict, 118 

Artillery, James S. Hepburn in, 3 

Artisan, training of Hepburn as, 
13, 400, 401 

Assistant clerk, election of Hep- 
burn as, 26; success of Hep- 
burn as, 27 

A.ssyria, immigrants from, 152 

Atchison rebates, 262 

Atlantic City (New Jersey), 
speech of Hepburn in, 435 

Attorney General (Iowa), 371 

Attorney General (Memphis), 
hope of Hepburn for office of, 
90 

Attorney General (United States), 
252, '261, 394 

Audubon County, 24, 100 

Aviation, 62 

Ayers, H. C, vote for, 371 

Babcock, C, 34 

Bacolod (Philippine Islands), 

Taft party in, 241 
Bailev, Joseph W., 206 
Baker, N. B., 50 
Balance of trade, 173, 228 
Ballard, Samuel M., newspaper 

owned by, 13 ; reference to, 24 
Ballot, obligations connected with, 

237; party circle removed from, 

293, 294, 306 
Bankers, business of, 172 
Banking, attitude of Democrats 

toward. 130; reference to, 150 
Banks, opposition of, to silver 

purchase law, 172; support of 

stock gambling by, 427, 428 
Banners, inscriptions on, 82 
Bar, admission of Hepburn to, 16, 

17; examination for admission 

to, 371' 
Barbary pirates. 3 
Barber buggy case, 135 
Battery K, 367 

Battle Hymn of the Republic, 342 
Battle line, length of, 421 
Battles, inscription of, on banners, 

82 (see also names of particu- 
lar battles) 
Beauregard. P. G. T., 67, 361 
Rerkwith. Corvdon. 16, 17, 352 
Beet sugar industry, protection of, 

318. 427 
Belgium, government ownership 

in, 246 



Bennett, John V., candidacy of, 
for Congress, 397 

Bennett, L., defeat of, for Con- 
gress, 126 

Benton Barracks, Hepburn at, 52, 
53 ; reference to, 54, 68 

Berryhill, C. H., 24 

Berryhill Brothers, employment of 
Hepburn by, 11 

Bertrand (Missouri), 55 

Beverages, adulteration of, 277; 
misbranding of, 277 

Bills, introduction of, 431 (see 
also particular bills) 

Bimetallism, advocacy of, by Re- 
publicans, 173, 174, 177, 180, 
183, 184; legality of, 175; pop- 
ularity of, 176 

Bird's Point (Missouri), Hepburn 
at. 54 

Blackland (Mississippi), engage- 
ment near, 68, 69 

Blackstone's Commentaries, 14 

Bladensburg, battle of, 4 

Blaine, James G., campaign of 
Hepburn with, 105 

"Bloody shirt", 120 

Bloomington, 7 (see also Musca- 
tine) 

Blythe, James W., opinion of, on 
election returns, 180, 294; ref- 
erence to, 252. 290; political 
influence of, 289; opinion of, 
concerning Hepburn, 290, 291; 
denendence of Hepburn on, 
292; opposition of, to Hepburn 
rate bill. 413 

Board of General Appraisers, can- 
didacy of Hepburn for, 156 

Board of health, 237 

Boarding houses, concessions to, 
152 

Boards of trade, opposition of, to 
silver purchase law, 172 

Bohemia, immigrants from, 152 

Boone Countv. 356 

Booneville (Mississippi), raid on. 
67. 362: reference to, 68; en- 
gagement at, 71, 72 

Boon.sbnro. Hull from. 38: debate 
at. 38. 39: reference to. 40 

Boss, exnerience of Hepburn with 
290. 291 

Boston (Massachusetts), immigra- 
tion at, 384 

Bounties, payment of, to soldiers 
421 ' 

Bowen Guards, exploit of. 34 

Bowery (New York City). 2 

Bowling Green (Kentucky), Hep- 
burn at, 78 



INDEX 



441 



Bradley, Philip B., 26 

Bragg, Braxton, tactics of, 76, 77 

Bragg, Edward S., criticism of, 

by Hepburn, 118 
Bremner, William, partnership of, 
with Hepburn, 22 ; reference to, 
41: wife of, 354 
Brigade, command of, by Hep- 
burn, 84, 86 
British Empire, 196 
Brito (Nicaragua), 202 
Brosius, Marriott, advocacy of 

pure food by, 284 
Brown, John, 43 
Brownville and Nodaway Valley 
Railroad, promotion of, 94; ref- 
erence to, 370 
Brussels (Belgium), International 

Monetary Conference at, 175 
Bryan, James F., 336 
Bubonic plague, 400 
Buchanan, James, 122, 390 
Buell, Don Carlos, army com- 
manded by, 76; reference to, 
77; attitude of, toward cavalry, 
78 
Buford, N. B., 60 
Bull Run, battle of, 49, 50 
Bureau of Chemistry, establish- 
ment of, 278, 279," 281; refer- 
ence to, 330 
Bureau of Corporations, 396 
Burlington, speech of Hepburn in. 

185; celebration in, 389 
Burlington Hawk-Ei/e, opinion ex- 
pressed in, 253 
Burlington Railroad, services of 
Hepburn for, 93, 145, 146; 
general solicitor of, 252 ; polit- 
ical control of, 289 
Burton, Theodore E., opposition 
of, to canal legislation, 211; 
candidacy of, for Speakership, 
426 
Butler. Jacob, campaign of, 40; 
reference to, 357 

Cabinet, refusal of Allison to serve 
on, 145; mention of Hepburn 
for, 145, 307, 308; reference 
to, 261 

Cadets of Temperance, Hepburn 
as leader of. 11 

Caldwell. Timothy J., 141 

"Calendar Tuesdav", establishment 
of, 322, 323 ; Hepburn in favor 
of, 325; reference to, 429, 430, 
431 

"Calendar Wednesday", provision 
for, 327, 431 

Calendars, 322, 325 



California, emigrants to, 91; trip 
of Hepburn to, 158, 385; Con- 
gressmen from, 244, 246; refer- 
ence to, 33 7 
Cairo (Illinois), 54, 109 
Camp McClellan, Second Iowa 
^ Cavalry at, 50-52 
Cami)aign, participation of Hep- 
burn in, in 1883, 126-131, 378, 
379; conduct of, in 1892, 105, 
166: participation of Hepburn 
in, in 1890, 180-186; conduct 
of, by llepliurn, 223, 224, 231; 
conduct of, in 1906, 293,' 294- 
conduct of, in 1908. 297-304- 
events in, in 1912, 334-338; ac- 
tivity of Hepburn in, in 1885, 
379; work of Hepburn in, in 
1898, 394 
Canada, reciprocity with, 226 227 

230; free trade with, 396 
Canal, construction of, at Island 
No. 10, 58, 59 (see also Isth- 
mian canal, Hennepin Canal, 
Panama Canal and Nicaragua 
Canal) 
Canal Zone, visit of Hepburn to, 
221; government of. 221; ac- 
quisition of, 221, 392, 39;5 
Candies, misbranding of, 277; 

adulteration of, 277 
Cannon, Joseph G., debate of, 
with Hepburn, 203-206, 214- 
216; opposition of, to canal leg- 
islation, 203, 204, 211, 214- 
216. 219; attitude of, toward 
the rules, 203-206; characteri- 
zation of, by Hepburn, 205, 
206, 215; reference to. 257 
289. 324. 427, 431; selection 
of, as Speaker, 319, 412, 426 
Canton (China), Taft party in. 

242 
Cape Horn, voyage of "Oregon" 

around. 200 
Capital, proposed removal of, to 

Marshalltown, 29 
Capital, antagonism of, to labor, 

401. 402 
Capitalism, growth of, 331 
. Captain, commission of Hepburn 
as. 50; ability of Hepburn as, 
51 
Carleton. R. A., job sought bv, 

148. 38:! 
Carlisle, John G.. loans negotiated 

b.v. 174 
Carpet-baggers, work of, 88. 89 
Cass Countv, 100. 102, 256 
Castalia (Ohio), 351 
Castle Garden (New York City), 



442 



INDEX 



use of, as immigrant station, 
152, 153; abandonment of, 154; 
reference to, 155 

Catholics, 335 

Catlett, Ann Fairfax, 3, 4 (see 
also Hampton, Mrs. George S.) 

Catlett, Columbus, 6, 8 

Catlett, Hanson, career of, 3 ; wife 
of, 3 ; daughter of, 3, 4 

Catlett, Marcia, 349 

Catlett, Minerva Lyon, parents of, 
3; events in life of, 3, 4; ref- 
erence to, 6; land owned by, 8; 
affection of, for Hepburn, 9 

Cattell, John W., campaign of, 40 

Cattle, disease of, 132 

Caucus (Committee), action of, on 
Hepburn bill, 265, 266 

Caucus (Republican), Hepburn 
nominated for chief clerk by, 
27, 28; action of, 141, 18Q; 
chairman of, 288, 289. 319, 
412; reform of House rules by, 
313, 314, 315, 316, 319; selec- 
tion of Speaker by, 319; mem- 
bership in, 412; reference to, 
426 

Cavalry, company of, raised by 
Hepburn, 49, 50; use of, in 
Civil War, 62, 421; work of, in 
campaign against Corinth 63 ; 
strength of Confederate, 71; in- 
spection of, by Hepburn, 71, 78- 
80, 87; attitude of Buell to- 
ward, 78; condition of, 78,79; 
best regiment of, 81; charge of, 
83 ; command of dismounted, by 
Hepburn, 87; acceptance of, 
358 

Cavalry division, troops in, 366; 
commander of, 366 

Cebu (Philippine Islands), Taft 
party at, 241 

Cedar Rapids, convention at, 336 

Cedar River, 415 

Centerville, debate at, 137 138; 
STieech of Henburn at, 159; ref- 
erence to, 298, 382; Federal 
building in, 416 

Centerville Citizen, opinion ex- 
pressed in, 131, 132; editor of, 
379 

Central Jonrnal (Albion), 32 

Central Pacific Railroad, 245, 404; 
description of, 246 

Cerro Gordo County, 356 

Chair, appeal from decision of, 
424 

Chalmers, James R., attack or- 
dered by, 71, 72, 82, 83 ; activ- 
ities of, 85 



Chamberlain, Margaret Hepburn, 
visit to, 235; reference to, 435, 
436 (see also Hepburn, Mar- 
Chamberlain, Roy H., 397, 436 

Chambers, Alexander, 358 

Chambers of commerce, opposition 
of, to silver purchase law, 172 

Chance, W. S., 385 

Chapman, John W., 100; mention 
of, for Congress, 102 

Chariton, convention in, 132,164; 
reference to, 298 

Charleston (Missouri), 55 

Charleston (South Carolina), pub- 
lic building in, 372 

Chattanooga (Tennessee), Bragg 
at, 76 

"Cherokee Strip", Hepburn in, 
425 

Chicago, Hepburn in, 16, 17; de- 
scription of, 17 ; conventions in, 
44, 95, 96, 142, 336; reference 
to, 162, 381; law firm in, 352 

Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy 
Railroad (see Burlington Rail- 
road) 

Chicago and Alton Railroad, 352 

Chicago Inter-Ocean, opinion ex- 
pressed in, 210, 211 

Chicago Record-Herald, 252, 405 

Chicago Tribune, criticism of Hep- 
burn bill in, 252, 253; refer- 
ence to, 405 

Chickamauga, battle of, 364 

Chief clerk, election of Hepburn 
as, 27, 28 

China, Taft partv in, 242 

China Sea, 242 

Chinese, exclusion of, 236 

Chittenden, Thomas, services of 4 ; 
daughter of, 4 

Cincinnati (Ohio), 6 

Circuit Courts, 265 

Civil pension, opnosition to, 418, 
419 

Civil service, attitude of Hepburn 
toward reform in, 98, 188-193; 
methods of appointment to, 188- 
193; improvement of, 190; ref- 
erence to. 336 

Civil Service Commission, criti- 
cism of, by Hepburn, 189 

Civil War, eifect of, 46; use of 
cavalry in, 62: conduct of, 121; 
reference to, 170, 236, 243, 329, 
379, 401, 422; recruiting meth- 
ods in, 421 

Civilians, use of, in army supply 
denartments, 421 

Civilization, promotion of, 196 



INDEX 



Citizens, protection of, 340 
Citizenship, observations of Hep- 
burn on, 236, 237 

"Citv of Alton" (steamboat), 61, 

63 
Clap]), Moses E., support of Hep- 
burn rate bill by, 268; refer- 
ence to, 433 
Clarinda, removal of Hepburn to, 
91, 92; railroad convention in, 
94; recention for Hepburn in, 
104, 285-287; glee club of, 
164; home of Hepburn in, 329; 
reference to, 339, 353, 403; 
funeral in, 341 ; court in, 343 ; 
l)opulation of, 369; Federal 
building in, 416, 417; G. A. R. 
post at, 435 

Clark, Champ, opposition of, to 
pure food bill, 280; reference 
to, 414 

Clark. D. M., defeat of, for Con- 
gress, 126 

Clark, T. E., Hepburn nominated 
by, 100: reference to, 101 

Clarke. William Penn, character 
of. 14; friends of, 14; associ- 
ation of Hepburn with, 14, 15; 
activities of, 14, 24, 25 ; refer- 
ence to, 33 

Clarke County, 304, 377 

Clarkson, James S., 181. 344 

Clayton-Buhver Treaty, abrogation 
of, 209, 212, 216;" violation of, 
210 

Clerk, Hepburn as deputv countv, 
17 

Cleveland. Grover. 118, 120; elec- 
tion of, 166; fear of, by pen- 
sioners, 108; attitude of. on 
currency question, 170, 174; 
special message of, 174 

Coal car scandal. 262 

Coast defense. Hepburn for, 421 

Cockran. William B., 321 

Collector of the Port of New York, 
153. 154, 157 

Collierville (Tennessee), participa- 
tion of Hepburn in engagement 
at, 83 

Colombia, acquisition of land 
from, 219. 220; revolution in. 
220; reference to. 393 

Colonel, recommendation of Hep- 
burn for. 74. 75 

Colonies, acquisition of, 194; atti- 
tude of Hepburn toward. 195. 
196; disadvantages of. 196 

Colt rifles. 53 

Columbus (Kentuckv). evacuation 
of, 55 



Commerce and Labor Department, 

work of Hepburn for, 401, 402 

Commerce Committee, Hepburn 

on, 376 
Commercial expansion, results of, 
194; attitude of Hepburn on, 
195, 197; reference to, 200 
Commissioner of Patents, Hep- 
burn mentioned for, 145 
Commissioner of Pensions, posi- 
tion of, offered to Hepburn, 308 
Commissioners of Emigration (see 

Emigration Commissioners ) 
Committee clerks, work of, 387 
Committee of the Whole, Hepburn 
chairman of, 187; reference of 
canal hill to, 202; reference to, 
205, 209, 280; calendar of, 
322,; debate in, 323 
Committee on credentials, Hep- 
burn on, 142, 181, 337; chair- 
man of, 181; report of, 181, 182 
Committee on permanent organi- 
zation, Hepburn on, 44 
Committee on resolutions, Hepburn 

on. 332 
Committees (standing), organiza- 
tion of, 313, 320. 322, 323, 325, 
326; power of, 313, 315, 325; 
sitting of, 429, 430 (see also 
particular committees) 
Commodity clause, 272, 273, 274, 

275; Tillman for, 410 
Common carriers, definition of, 

267, 269, 272, 273, 274 
Company B, acceptance of, 50; 
march of, to Davenport, 50; 
captain of, 50, 74; muster of, 
into service, 50, 358; discipline 
in. 51 
Company E. 53 
Company K, 53. 59 
Company L. 53, 59 
Company Jf, 53 
Condiments, adulteration of. 277; 

misbranding of. 277 
Confederates, forces of, 56; em- 
barrassment of, 67; escape of, 
68; treatment of Hepburn by, 
81; resources of, 84; tactics of, 
85; conscription among. 124; 
treatment of prisoners by. 124; 
representation of. in Congress, 
140: defeat of. 365 
Conference committee, members of, 
272. 273: reports of, 273. 274, 
275; Hepburn on. 277, 284, 
402^ 410; power of, 430 
Congress, Matthew Lyon in, 5, 
349; candidates for. 99, 100. 
126, 133, 160-162, 164, 186, 



444 



INDEX 



225, 289, 292, 293, 296, 297, 
394^ 397, 433; nomination of 
Hepburn for, 99-104, 126, 132 
164, 165, 182, 227, 299, 380 
395; prominence of Hepburn in, 
105, 179, 293; election of Hep 
burn to, 105, 106, 126, 166 

. 179, 180, 186, 223, 224, 234 
293, 294; petitions to, 119 
377; laws passed by, 120; ser 
vice of Hepburn in, 133, 134 
163, 328, 374-376; resolution 
of General Assembly sent to 
138; investigation of immigra 
tion by, 155 ; program of Harsh 
for, 162 : control of, by Demo 
crats, 166, 170; message to 
174, 249, 263; reference to 
198, 201, 244, 248, 334; isth 
mian canal question in, 200 
222; oratory in, 214; corrup 
tion of, 231," 232; action of, on 
pure food legislation, 276-285 
special session of, 279; retire 
ment of Hepburn from 302 
306, 329; equality of constitu 
encies in, 310, 324; Iowa dele 
gation in, 332; Rosecrans in 
371; river and harbor bill in 
374; power of, over commerce 
381 (see also particulai Con- 
gresses) 

Congressional Record, 214 

Congressmen, votes for, in Eighth 
Congressional District. 106, 
126, 139, 161, 166, 186; oppo- 
sition of Southern, to pensions, 
117, 123; duties of, 169, 232, 
233, 387; opinion of, concern- 
ing Hepburn, 188; honesty of, 
191, 193: influence on, 208; 
recognition of, bv Speaker, 309, 
313, 316, 320. 324, 325 

Conquest, defense of, 197 

Conscription, harshness of Confed- 
erate, 124 

Conservation, 333 

Constituencies, equalitv of, 310, 
324 

Constituents, work of Hepburn 
for, 387 

Constitution (United States), 250, 
260. 269. 310, 312. 315. 324 

Constitutional Convention of 1844, 
secretary of, 350 

Constit\itional law, stxidy of. by 
Hepburn. 106 

Contract, freedom of, 401 

Contract labor laws, administra- 
tion of. 151, 153, 154; revision 
of, 156; reference to, 426 



Cook, J. C. letter from, 147 

Cook, J. H., 179 

Coon. Datus E., 52 : promotion of, 
71; jjraise of Hepburn bv. 74 

Cooper-Quarles Bill, 249, 251, 254 

Corintli (Mississippi), campaign 
against. 61, 68; cavalry opera- 
tions against, 63 ; communica- 
tion with, 67; evacuation of, 67: 
reference to, 69, 70, 76; battle 
of, 77. 365 ; Hepburn in, 82 ; 
siege of, 361, 362 

Corn, destruction of, 84; produc- 
tion of. 111 

Corn Belt Meat Producers' Asso- 
ciation, 232 

Cornell College, attendance of 
Melvina Morsman at, 352 ; de- 
gree conferred on Hepburn bv, 
352 

Corning, 163, 289; Wallace-Hep- 
burn debate at, 258 

Corporations, attitude of Hepburn 
toward, 114, 116, 163, 164, 
244, 245, 403 ; influence of, 
232. 289; attitude of Congress 
toward, 244, 245; registration 
of, 396 (see also Trusts and 
Monopoly) 

Corregidor (Philippine Islands), 
240 

Corruption, attitude of Hepburn 
toward, 96, 97, 98, 414 

Corydon, 298, 382 

Costa Rica, purchase of land from, 
202 

Cotton, destruction of, 84 

Council, transcribing clerk of, 8 

Council Bluffs, 93, 101, 102. 104, 
141, 286; convention in, 99; 
steamers at, 113; Federal build- 
ing in, 416 

Counties, swamp lands in, 46 

County seat, location of, in Mar- 
shall County, 29-35 

Court, frontier sessions of, 41, 42 

Court martial, Hepburn's opinion 
of, 72, 73 ; service of Hepburn 
in connection with, 72, 73, 75, 
83, 87 

Court of Commerce, power of, 
252: criticism of, 260 

Court of transportation, 255 

Courthouse, erection of, in Mar- 
shalltown, 30: bonds for, in 
Marietta. 34, 35 

Courts, power of, to review rate 
cases, 250, 260. 263, 264, 269- 
271 

Credit, effect of silver coinage on, 
176 



INDEX 



445 



Creston, convention in, 159, 227, 
293; reference to, 160, 164, 
285. 382; Federal building in. 
416; Federal di.strict .court in, 
416; population of, 416 
Creston Blue Grass Palace, 162 
Creston (Jazette, quotation from, 

162 
Criminals, exclusion of, 153, 155 
Crocker, Marcellus M., 26 
Crosby, W. O., campaign managed 

by, 136; reference to, 379 
Cuba, annexation of, 196, 197; 
independence of. 198: reciproc- 
ity with. 318, 426. 427 
Cullom, Slielljy M., Hepburn rate 
bill supported by, 268 ; appoint- 
ment of, on conference commit- 
tee, 273 
Cullom bill, advocacy of, by Hep- 
burn, 134, 135, 138; provisions 
of, 134, 135; op])osition of An- 
derson to, 137; endorsement of. 
by Iowa General Assembly, 138; 
reference to, 380 
Cummings, Amos J., quotation 

from, 199 
Cummins, Albert B.. Hepburn con- 
gratulated by, 166, 167; can- 
didacy of, for Senate, 179, 224, 
297, 298, 299, 415; party lead- 
ership of. 225 : attitude of, on 
tariff. 225. 226. 230: election of. 
as Governor. 225, 291, 293. 
294 : criticism of Hepburn rate 
bill by, 254, 406; reference to. 
263. 303, 304: progressive 
leadership of, 289, 293, 298, 
300, 332 ; attitude of Hepburn 
toward. 291, 292. 293. 303, 
338, 433; attitude of, toward 
Hepburn. 292 : candidacy of, 
for President, 335, 336 attitude 
of, on "Iowa idea", 396 
Currency, attitude of Cleveland 
on. 170; attitude of Democrats 
on. 170. 171, 172. 174; attitude 
of Hepburn on. 172-177, 184. 
185; defense of treasury notes 
as, 172, 173; solution of ques- 
tion of, 173; Republican record 
on, 183, 184; regulation of, 
184, 185: problem of. 295 
Customs administration, frauds in. 
149. 150; investigation of, by 
Hepburn, 157 
Customs Court, candidacy of Hep- 
burn for, 308 

Dairy, work of Hepburn for. 132 
Dakota, admission of, 144 



Dalzoll. John, 315, 327 
Danville (Illinois), 324 
Davenport, Camp McClellnn at, 
50: Second Iowa Cavalry iit, 
50. 52, 358, 359; location of 
post office at, 158 
Davey, Robert C, rate bill of, 
251; reference to, 254; tribute 
of. to Hepburn, 257 
Davis, F. M., opinion of, concern- 
ing Hepburn, 163 
Davis, Fred, 352 
Davis, Henry W., 119 
Davis, .hi'-rson, 364 
Debate, ability of Hepburn in, 38, 
39, 96. 98. 105, 117, 118, 119, 
123, 136, 179, 182, 189, 195, 
199. 255. 256, 309. 319, 323, 
328; opportunity for, 375; free- 
dom of. 425 
Debates, holding of, 129, 136, 381, 

382 
Debts, collection of. 150. 157 
Decatur Coimtv. 186. 329. 377 
Decorah. 353 
Delaware. 181, 182 
Demagogue, 345 
Democrat, vote of Hepburn for, 

338, 339 
Democratic party, candidates of, 
for Congress." 126. 133. 164, 
293, 296. 299, 371, 394. 397, 
412; attitude of, on prohibition, 
127; candidate of. for Governor, 
129: record of. 130 
Democrats, opinions of, concern- 
ing Hepburn. 39. 40. 222, 425; 
policies of, 43; criticism of, by 
Hepburn. 97. 183. 184. 229; 
fusion of. 97. 164, 165, 180. 
293, 297, 298, 303. 304: refer- 
ence to. 105. 132. 137. 161, 251, 
331; attitude of, toward pen- 
sions, 118, 120; conduct of 
campaign bv, 165, 302-304; 
control of Congress by. 166; 
faction of. 170; control of gov- 
ernment bv. 170; i)rogram of, 
170; partisanship of. 170, 171; 
attitude of, on currency ques- 
tion. 170. 171. 172. 174: effect 
of election of. 171. 172: effect 
of administration by. 183; rec- 
ord of. 183; coinage of silver 
bv. 184: opposition of. to Hep- 
burn, 185. 186: attitude of, on 
imperialism, 196; attitude of, 
on railroad legislation, 254 : at- 
titude of. on Hepburn rate bill, 
268: strength of, in eighth dis- 
trict. 299: floor leader of, 314, 



446 



INDEX 



316: reform of standing rules 
by, 314, 316, 317; cooperation 
of, witli insurgents, 320, 321; 
filibuster by, 425, 426 
Denver (Colorado), 258 
Department of Agriculture, pure 
food administration by, 2 78, 
279; reference to, 330 
Department of the Cumberland, 

commander of, 77 
Department of the Tennessee, 81 
Departments, appointments to civil 

service by heads of, 192 
Dependent pensions bill, attitude 

of Hepburn toward, 118, 120 

Desertion, problem of, 421 

Des Moines, 27, 29, 140, 179, 

353 ; conventions in, 44, 95, 97, 

180, 181, 331; barbecue in, 96 

Des Moines River Land Settlers' 

Union, Hepburn praised by, 379 

Des Moines Valley, land titles in, 

132, 379 
Dilatory motions, 310, 324 
Dingley tariff, effect of, 225 
Direct legislation, 333 ; opposition 
of Hepburn to, 333, 334, 335; 
eflfect of, 335: fault of, 434 
Discipline, attitude of Hepburn 

toward, 70 
Discrimination, prohibition of, 

248, 249, 263, 264, 272, 381 
Dishon. William, 34 
Dispatchers, hours of, 410 
Distilleries, supervision of, 378 
District attorney, nomination of 
Hepburn for, 37: campaign for, 
38-41: election of Hepburn as, 
41; salary of. 41; duties of, 41. 
42 ; success of Hepburn as, 42 ; 
Anderson as, 99 : reference to, 
150, 380 
District court (Iowa), cases be- 
fore, 32, 35: reference to, 343 
Di.strict courts (United States), 

278 
District of Columbia, government 

of, 178 
Dockertv, Alexander M., 207 
Dodge. Grenville M., 43 : Hepburn 

recommended by, 146 
Dollar, value of, 175, 176 
Dolliver, Jonathan P., speech of, 
142: appointment of, as Sena- 
tor. 224; reference to, 225. 261; 
sunnort of Hepburn rate bill bv, 
268. 270, 271; leadership of 
Progressives by, 332; service 
of, against liquor fraflfic, 378; 
rate bill of, 408 
Double standard, 173, 174, 177 



Dragoons, United States, experi- 
ences of, 1 

Drugs, misbranding of, 277, 278, 
279, 283; adulteration of, 277, 
278, 279, 283 

Dubuque, G. A. R. encampment 
at, 435 

Dubuque Times, 27; opinion ex- 
pressed in, 105 

Dunmore, Lord, 6 

Eastman, Enoch W.. 26 

Eaton, William, opinion of Hep- 
burn by, 160 

Economics, influence of, on poli- 
tics, 131 

Economv, attitude of Hepburn to- 
ward, 110, 111. 112, 372 

Education, facilities for, 10 

Eighth Congressional District, can- 
didates for Congress in, 99, 100, 
103, 104, 126, 131, 133, 160- 
162, 164, 182, 292, 293, 296, 
394, 397. 433; convention in, 
99-104, 395: election results in, 
106, 126, 138, 139, 166, 180, 
186, 223, 224, 225, 234, 294, 
304, 371; reference to, 114, 
233: counties of, 126, 133, 377; 
opinion of Hepburn in, 131, 
132, 160, 164, 288; campaign 
in, 135. 136, 159, 231, 293, 
294, 297-304; work of Repre- 
sentatives from, 163 : partv 
strength in, 165, 166, 186, 
299; voters in, 169; patronage 
in. 169; free silver sentiment 
in. 180, 185, 186: opposition to 
Hepburn in, 185, 186, 258, 
297, 298, 299, 302-304; attitude 
of farmers in, 185; political 
conditions in, 223, 292, 293, 
296, 297, 382; reception of 
Hepburn in, 285, 286; control 
of, 289, 290; Cummins in, 292, 
298; public buildings in, 301; 
highways in, 374; Republican 
chairman in, 379; work of Hep- 
burn for postal facilities in, 415 

Eighth General Assembly, 43, 357 

Eldora, 40 

Election, contest of, bv Hepburn, 
306, 307 

Elections, regulation of, 433, 434 

Elections. Committee on, selection 
of. .■^•70: Hepburn on, 376 

Eleventh Congressional District, 
291 

Eleventh judicial district, cam- 
paign in, 37-41; prosecuting at- 
torney in, 41, 42; court sessions 



INDEX 



447 



in, 41, 42; swamp lands in, 46; 
counties in, 356; population of, 
357 

Elkins, Stephen B., opposition of, 
to Hepburn rate bill, 268; ap- 
pointment of, on conference 
committee, 273 

Elkins Act, provisions of, 248; 
support of, by Hepburn, 248, 
249; effect of, 249 

Elliott, Washington L., character 
of. 52 : reference to, 59, 66, 68, 
70, 361; praise of Hepburn by, 
63, 64; promotion of, 66, 67; 
treatment of Hepburn by, 66 ; 
raid led by, 67 

Ellis Island, immigrant station on, 
155, 156 

Emigration Commissioners, inves- 
tigation of, 151-154; adminis- 
tration of, 152, 153 ; termina- 
tion of contract with, 153, 154, 
156 

Employment, hours of, 410 

England. Hepburn in, 410 

English, training of Hepburn in, 
13 

Entrenchments, description of, 362 

Equal suffrage (see Woman suf- 
frage) 

Esch, John J., rate bill of, 251, 
254 

Eseh-Townsend bill, passage of, 
255 ; provisions of, 255 ; sup- 
port of, by Hepburn, 255, 256, 
261: reference to, 407 

Estes, J. S,. nomination of, for 
Congress, 293 

Europe, goverTiment ownership in, 
246: ministers in, 390; trip of 
Hepburn to. 410 

Evarts, William M.. 145 

Expediting Act, 265 

Expenditures of the Department of 
Agriculture, Committee on, 330 

Express companies, regulation of, 
267, 272 

Fair Haven (Vermont), founding 
of, 4 

Fairfax, Ann. 4 

Fairfax, Bryan. 4 

Farmers, hard times among. 131; 
work of Heplnirn for. 132; in- 
fluence of Wallace on, 138; at- 
titude of, toward Hepburn, 13 8. 
159, 256, 258, 262; literature 
sent to. 185: attitude of. on 
reciprocity, 227; attitude of. on 
railroad regulation, 232, 233; 
opposition of, to Hepburn rate 



bill, 254, 406; attitude of, to- 
ward Congressmen, 259 

Farming, experiment of Hampton 
in, 6, 7, 8 ; pioneer methods of, 
7 

Farmington (Mississippi), engage- 
ment near, 64-66 

Federal government, collection of 
money due to, 150, 151; con- 
struction of canal bv, 201, 202, 
209, 210, 213; control of rail- 
roads by, 263; power of, 333; 
threat to overthrow, 364 

Federalists, opposition to, 4, 5 

Fifteenth Amendment, 96 

Fifth Congressional District, 95 

Fifth General Assembly, 26, 27 

Fifty-third Congress, control of, by 
Democrats, 170; special session 
of, 170; work of Hepburn in, 
171-175, 309, 416; reference to. 
317 

Fifty-fourth Congress, work of 
Hepburn in, 175-177, 187, 201, 
400, 404: Speaker during, 187; 
canal legislation in. 201; refer- 
ence to, 311, 313, 404 

Fifty-fifth Congress, work of Hep- 
burn in, 188-192. 202-207, 311, 
400, 401, 402, 404, 416, 418; 
canal legislation in, 201-207; 
control of House in, 203 ; refer- 
ence to, 207, 311, 313, 404 

Fifty-sixth Congress, 207, 313, 
314. 316, 424: control of House 
in. 208: Speaker of House in, 
208; work of Hejiburn in, 208- 
216, 277, 313-315, 410; canal 
legislation in, 216; pure food 
bills in. 2 77; allotment of seats 
in, 425 

Fifty-seventh Congress, can.il leg- 
islation in, 216-219; work of 
Hepburn in, 216-219, 277-279, 
315-3:7. 378, 394, 400. 410; 
pure food bills in. 277-279; ref- 
erence to, 315, 318, 425 

Fiftv-eighth Congress, work of 
Hepburn in, 249. 250-257, 279- 
281, 378. 399, 400, 420; refer- 
ence to. 250, 317 

Fifty-ninth Congress, canal legis- 
lation in. 222 ; work of Hep- 
burn in. 222. 264-275, 281-285, 
288, 378, 410, 412. 414. 416. 
417, 420: pure food legislation 
in. 281-285; reference to, 285, 
292 

Filibuster, conduct of. bv Hep- 
btirn, 114. 115; prevention of, 
323. 324: futility of, 375 



448 



INDEX 



Filipinos, 240 

Finance, 43, 165 ; Republican rec- 
ord on, 183 
Financial stringeucj', 6 ; cause of, 
131, 171, 172, 183 

Financial World, The, opinion ex- 
pressed in, 428, 429 

Finn, George L., 394 

First Congress, size of, 425 

First Illinois Light Artillery, 367 

First Iowa Cavalry, 49 

First Iowa Infantry, 48 

First West Tennessee Cavalry, 366 

Flag Day, 236 

Flick, James P., mention of. for 
Congress, 103 ; retirement of, 
160 

Flinn, Mr., 337 

Florida, James S. Hepburn in, 3 

Food, misbranding of, 276, 277, 
278, 279, 283; adulteration of, 
276. 277, 278, 279, 283: stand- 
ards of, 278, 279. 281, 283, 284 

Foote, Andrew H., 58 

Foraker, Joseph B., campaign of, 
185; opposition of, to Hepburn 
rate bill, 268, 270; attitude of, 
on railroad regulation, 270: ref- 
erence to, 389 

Forrest, N. B., activities of, 85 

Fort, J. P., work of, in Repiiblican 
national convention, 181, 182 • 

Port Dodge, 40 

Fort Donelson, 54, 55 

Port Henry, 54, 55 

Fort Pickering. Hepburn at, 87 

Fort Pillow. 61 

Fort Sumter, capture of, 47, 49 

Fort Washington, 4 

Fortv-seventh Congress, work of 
Hepburn in, 107, 108, 119, 120, 
377, 399, 416, 419; reference 
to. 376 

Forty-eighth Congress, work of 
Hepburn in, 108, 109-111, 119, 
120: reference to, 376 

Fortv-ninth Congi-ess, work of 
Hepburn in, 108. 112-116, 119, 
120. 132, 134, 140. 276, 378, 
399; reference to, 376 

Foster. Samuel, 360 

Fourth Illinois Cavalry, 366 

France, 213 

Franklin County, 356 

Free silver, opposition of Hepburn 
to. 133, 134. 176, 177; cam- 
paign based on, 180 ; result of, 
184, 185; sentiment for, 185, 
186 

Free trade, 226; results of, 228 

Freight, 231 



Freight loading company, promo- 
tion of, 90 

Fremont County, 99, 100, 136, 
186; importance of, in campaign 
of 1886, 133, 139 

Frontier, location of, 7; conditions 
on, 19, 20, 36; removal of Hep- 
burn to, 92 

Frye, William P., work of, for 
Revenue Cutter Service, 418, 
419, 421 

Puller, R. C, 157 

Furlough, Hepburn desirous of, 
70; reasons for, 363 

Galveston (Texas), opposition of 
Hepburn to improvement of har- 
bor of. 111 

Gardner, Augustus P., 321, 429 

Garfield, James A., inauguration 
of, 106; military service of, 106; 
reference to, 371 

Garfield, James R., 337 

Gault, Edward J., 138 

Gear, John H., 43, 181; opposi- 
tion to, 179, 180; election of, to 
Senate, 179, 180; death of, 223 

General Appraisers (see Board of 
General Appraisers) 

General Assembly, Stone in, 99; 
reference to, 415 (see also va- 
rious Assemblies) 

German-American Alliance, pur- 
pose of, 198 ; opposition of Hep- 
burn to, 198, 199 

Germans, attitude of Hepburn to- 
ward, 199 

Germantown (Tennessee), 84 

Gladstone, William E., 351 

Gold, use of. for currencv, 170, 
172, 173, 175, 176; attitude of 
Republicans toward. 184 

Gold bonds, attitude of Cleveland 
on, 174; opposition of Hepburn 
to, 174, 175 

Gold reserve, 170, 172; decline of, 
174 

Gold standard, advocacy of, by 
bankers, 172; Hepburn for, 177 

Golden wedding, celebration of, 
403 

Government, interference of, 250 

Government ownership, advantages 
of, for isthmian canal. 213. 214; 
effect of, 246, 247; threat of, 
246. 247; opinion of Hepburn 
on, 246, 247, 403. 404 

Governor, campaign for, 126-131; 
reference to, 260 

Governor's Island, 154 

Grand Army of the Republic, ad- 



INDEX 



449 



vocacy of pensions by, 118; 
support of Hepburn by, 141; 
encampment of, 339, 340, 342; 
tribute of, to Hepburn, 343, 
344; prominence of Hepburn in, 
435 

Grange decisions, 259 

Granger, Gordon, cavalry praised 
by, 63, 66; reference to, 70; 
staff of, 71; Hepburn praised 
by, 74, 85 ; transfer of, 76 

Grant, U. S., mistake of, 62; 
Hepburn's criticism of, 62, 360, 
361; reference to, ,76, 97, 122, 
239, 435; nomination of, for 
President, 96 ; opposition of 
Hepburn to, 96, 97 

Great Britain, 212 

Great Debates in American Hix- 
tory, speeches of Hepburn in, 
377, 390, 393 

Greece, 196 

Greeley, Horace, 96 

Green Mountain boys, 4 

Greenback party, candidate of, for 
Congress, 126, 133, 371; atti- 
tude of, on prohibition, 12 7; 
candidate of, for Governor, 129 

Greenbackers, 105, 137 

Greencastle Township, 31, 33 

Gresham, Walter Q., candidacy of, 
for President, 142 

Greytown (Nicaragua), 202 

Grierson, Benjamin H., 87; troops 
commanded by, 366 

Grimes, James W., 14, 24, 2 7, 43, 
95 

Grinnell, Josiah B., 14, 24 

Grist mills, establishment of, 4 

Griswold, H. E., 435 

Grosvenor, Charles H., 207_; can- 
didacy of. for Speakership, 426 

Guam, annexation of, 194 

Guimoras Strait, 241 

Halleck, Henry W., character of, 
61 

Hamilton, Hugh, 10 

Hamilton, Schuyler, 63, 360 

Hamilton, William, 10 

Hamilton County, 356 

Hampton, Catherine, episode con- 
cerning, 12 ; husband of. 354 

Hampton, Georee S., business of, 
5, 21, 22; removal of, to Iowa. 
6; land owned by. 6. 7, 8; ex- 
periment of. in farming, 6. 7, 
8 ; services of. as transcribing 
clerk, 8; character of. 10; ser- 
vice of, as clerk of Supreme 
Court, 14; ol^ces of, 350 



Hampton, Mrs. George S., school 
taught by, 10 (see also Callett, 
Ann Fairfax) 

Hampton, William, 11 

Hancock County, 356 

Hanna, Marcus A., campaign man- 
agement by, 181; control bv, 
225 

Hardin County, 356 

Harlan, James, school taught by, 
10; newspaper work of, 13; ref- 
erence to, 24. 43, 96; estimate 
of. by Hepburn, 351 

Harper's Ferry (Virginia), 43 

Harriman, Edward H., program 
of, 247 

Harris, Robert, correspondence of, 
with Hepburn, 139, 140 ; Hep- 
burn recommended by, 145; ref- 
erence to, 382 

Harris, Sheriff, 34 

Harrison, Benjamin, candidacy of, 
for President, 142-145; election 
of, as President, 145 ; letters to, 
146; appointment of Hepburn 
by, 146, 147 

Harrison, Edgar, 18 

Harrison, Edraond, 18 

Harrison County, 100 

Harsh. J. B., candidacy of, for 
Congress, 160, 161, 162, 164; 
political record of, 160, 162; 
reputation of, 160, 162; service 
of, in Senate. 386 

Hartsock, James R., position 
sought by, 148 

Hatch, Edward, 51. 70. 79; charge 
led by, 65; raid led by, 361; 
troops commanded by, 366, 367 

Hawaii, annexation of, 188, 194- 
197; government of, 197: fu- 
ture of, 235 ; visit of Hepburn 
to. 235-239. 402; care of lepers 
in, 237, 238, 399; reference to, 
390. 391; Collector of Internal 
Revenue in, 397; immigration 
to, 427 

Hawaiians, opinion of, concerning 
Hepburn, 236 

Hav-Pauncefote Treatv, effect of, 
208, 212; terms of. 210, 212, 
216; ratification of, 216 

Hayes, Rutherford B.. 98 

Hazing, attitude of Hepburn on, 
421, 422 

Hearst, William R., rate bill of, 
251; reference to, 254 

Henderson, D. B., 159, 181, 311, 
313, 426; position of, as Speak- 
er, 208, 425 ; retirement of, 
from Congress, 317 



30 



450 



INDEX 



Henderson, Henry C, 30, 33 

Henev, Francis J., 337 

Hennepin Canal, support of, by 
Hepburn, 372, 373 

Hepburn, Bertha, 368 

Hepburn, Charles B., 368, 435, 
436; service of, in Signal Corps, 
421 

Hepburn, Edith C, 368; marriage 
of, 369 (see also Thummel, 
Edith Hep"burn) 

Hepburn, Fanny, 2 ; scrap book 
bv, 371 

Hepburn, Frank, 368; murder of, 
389 

Hepburn, Hanson, 8 

Hepburn, James S., character of, 
2 ; career of, 2, 3 ; wife of, 3 

Hepburn, Margaret, 368 (see also 
Chamberlain, Margaret Hep- 
burn) 

Hepburn, Peter, 305 

Hepburn, William P., birth of, 1; 
name of, 1, 349; ancestry of, 
2-5; bovhood of, 2-12; relatives 
of, 2, 5, 6, 8, 11, 349, 354; 
home of, 2, 7, 8, 10, 19, 20, 89, 
90, 92, 329, 353, 354, 369; ap- 
pearance of, 5, 11, 15, 123, 
189, 390: journey of, to Iowa, 
6, 7, 366; pioneer experiences 
of, 7, 8, 9, 19, 20, 41, 42; re- 
ligious training of, 9 ; character 
of, 9, 12, 37, 38, 42, 73, 79, 
90, 91, 93, 106, 117, 139, 146, 
148, 149, 158, 165, 179, 187, 
188, 198, 199, 204, 205, 206, 
215, 216, 224, 255, 256, 257, 
258, 262, 275, 286, 300, 305, 
306, 307, 308, 309, 314, 318, 
328, 329, 331, 341-345, 390, 
403, 407, 408, 431, 436; educa- 
tion of, 10, 11, 13; emplojTuent 
of, in general store, 11; nick- 
name of, 11, 351; courtship of, 
12, 15, 16; study of law by, 
13-17; political training of, 13, 
14, 15, 24, 25, 27; printer ap- 
prenticeship of, 13, 400, 401; 
admission of, to bar, 16, 17; 
residence of, in Chicago, 16, 17; 
service of, as deputv countv 
clerk, 17: health of, 18. 60, 69, 
224, 339, 340, 341, 365, 366, 
394: marriage of, 18. 353, 354; 
location of, in Marshalltown, 19; 
law practice of, 19. 21. 22. 26, 
33, 89, 90, 92, 93, 139, 140, 
308, 330, 339, 356, 372, 382; 
property of, 20, 88, 328, 329, 
354, 363; law partners of, 22, 



92, 93, 368; presence of, at 
first Republican convention, 24, 
25, 354; election of, as prose- 
cuting attorney, 25 ; services of, 
as proseciiting attorney, 25, 26 ; 
ability of, as lawyer, 25, 26, 37, 
38, 42, 93, 146, 343; services 
of, as clerk in House, 26, 27, 
28, 29, 30, 355, 357; investiga- 
tion of school fund accounts by, 
27, 40, 41; county seat contest 
led by, 30, 32-35; 'election of, as 
district attorney, 37-41; public 
opinion of, 37, 38, 42, 96, 98, 

105, 117, 140, 141, 146, 147, 
148, 156, 160-164, 166, 167, 

179, 209, 210, 211, 218, 222, 

223, 252-254, 305, 341-345; 
tributes to, 37, 38, 42, 105, 118, 
119, 146, 156, 166, 167, 182, 
209, 210, 218, 219, 222, 223, 

224, 252. 253, 256, 257, 261, 
262, 285, 286, 287, 305, 306, 341- 
345, 436; ability of, as debater, 
38,39,96,98,105, 117, 118, 119, 
12.S, 136, 179, 182, 189, 195, 
199, 255, 256, 309, 319, 323, 
328, 419, 420; participation of, 
in political campaigns, 43, 126- 
146, 159, 165, 179-186, 223- 
234, 290-304, 331-339, 379; 
participation of, in Republican 
national convention, 44-46, 95, 
96, 142, 181, 182; promotion of 
railroads by, 44, 94 ; participa- 
tion of, in Republican State 
convention, 44, 95, 97. 127, 142 

180, 181, 182-185, 300, 332, 
333, 336, 355, 371: efforts of, 
to secure swamp land titles, 46 ; 
presence of, at first inaugura- 
tion of Lincoln, 46; trip of, to 
Washington, 46, 106, 167; atti- 
tude of, toward enlistment, 49, 
50; company raised by, 49, 50, 
358; commission of, as captain, 
50; military career of, 50-87; 
promotion of. to major, 51; abil- 
itv of. as militarv officer. 51, 66, 
72, 74, 75, 86; feeling of, under 
fire, 64 ; promotion of, to lieu- 
tenant colonel, 70, 71, 73, 74, 
75; opposition to, 70, 73, 105^ 

106, 185, 186, 289. 290, 292, 
293, 296, 297. 298, 302-304* 
303, 408; staff duty of, 71-80; 
court martial duty of, 72, 73, 
75_, 83. 87; removal of, to Mem- 
phis, 89 : interest of, in Memphis 
Street Railway. 90; organization 
of freight loading company by, 



INDEX 



451 



90; removal of, to Clarinda, 91, 
92 ; newspaper edited by, 92 ; 
activities of, in Iowa Bar Asso- 
ciation, 93 ; employment of, by 
Burlington Railroad, 93, 97; 
prominence of, 94, 95, 97, 117, 
131, 132. 141, 179, 185, 187, 
188, 219, 222, 243, 244, 288, 
289, 317, 328, 331, 342, 412; 
participation of, in soldiers' and 
sailors' conventions, 95; par- 
ticipation of, in Republican Con- 
gressional convention, 95, 355 ; 
mention of, for Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor, 96 ; affiliation of, with 
Liberal Republicans, 96, 97: 
return of, to Republican party, 
97; election of, as Presidential 
elector, 97, 145 ; opponents of, 
for Congress, 99-103, 126, 133, 
186, 226, 289, 292, 293, 296, 
297, 299. 302, 394, 397; nomi- 
nation of, for Congress, 99-104, 
126, 132, 160-164, 182, 227, 
380, 395; reception for, 104, 
285, 286, 402, 403; political 
record of, 105 ; election of, to 
Congress, 105, 106, 126, 166, 
180, 186, 223, 224, 225, 234, 
293, 294; opposition of, to pork 
barrel legislation. 107-116, 374- 
376; filibuster led by, 114-116; 
work of, for pensions, 117-125, 
168-170, 302; partisanship of, 
117, 118, 121-125, 132, 171, 
172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 183- 
185, 237, 295, 296, 300, 328, 
412, 414, 431, 433; comment 
on speech of, 118; debate of, 
with Wheeler, 121-125; reputa- 
tion of, for industry, 126; work 
of, against liquor traffic, 128, 

129, 130, 131, 377, 378; com- 
mittee membership of, 128, 187, 
243, 288, 376, 391; speeches of, 

130, 159, 227-230, 399, 400, 
420, 434, 435; debates of, with 
Anderson. 136, 137, 138, 381, 
382 ; defeat of, for Congress, 
138, 139, 304, 306; support of, 
bv soldiers, 140, 141; candidacv 
of, for Senate, 140, 141, 179, 
180, 223, 224; nomination of 
Allison for President by, 143, 
144; mention of, for Commis- 
sioner of Patents, 145 ; can- 
didacy of, for Interstate Com- 
merce Commission, 145, 146; 
mention of, for Cabinet, 145, 
307, 308: work of, as Solicitor 
of Treasury, 146-158; motto of 



clan of, 147; disposal of patron- 
age by, 148, 149, 168, 169, 
302, 383, 389, 390; candidacy 
of, for Board of General Ap- 
praisers, 156; attitude of farm- 
ers toward, 159, 256, 257, 258; 
attitude of^ Republicans toward, 
160-164, 166, 167; Congression- 
al record of, 163, 301, 317, 318, 
328, 333; friends of, 165; Re- 
publicanism of, 171, ability of, 
as parliamentarian, 187, 203- 
206; advocacy of Hawaiian an- 
nexation by, 195-197; patriotism 
of, 198, 199, 200, 209, 210 213 
216, 339, 340, 345, 391, 398; 
advocacy of isthmian canal by, 
200-222; provisions of canal bill 
by, 202, 208, 216, 217; debate 
of, with Cannon, 203-206, 214- 
216, 219; praise of, for canal 
le-i.slation, 218, 219, 222; trips 
of, to Panama, 221; definition 
of Standpatters by, 228 ; opinion 
of, concerning Roosevelt, 229, 
238; disagreement of, with 
Wallace, 231-234; open letter to, 
232, 233; climax in life of, 
234; trip of, to Orient, 235- 
242, 402; opinion of, by Ha- 
waiians, 236 ; interest of, in leper 
colony, 237, 238, 399, 400; vis- 
it of, to Japan, 239, 240; visit 
of, to Philippines, 240-242; vis- 
it of, to China, 242 ; chief work 
of, 243 ; services of, on trans- 
portation question, 243-275, 
380, 381, 410; defense of EI- 
kins bill by, 248, 249; cooper- 
ation of, with Roosevelt, 252, 
253, 261, 292, 301, 302, 305, 
306, 396; opposition of Wallace 
to, 253, 254, 258, 259, 263, 
407; support of, bv Perkins, 
253, 292, 301, 305," 306; op- 
position of Cummins to, 254, 
263, 292, 297, 298; hanging of, 
in effigy, 256, 257; loving cup 
presented to, 257; debate of, 
with Wallace, 258-262; en- 
dorsement of, by Roosevelt, 261, 
262, 412; service of, on confer- 
ence committee, 273, 277, 284, 
410; work of, for pure food, 
276-286; criticism of muck- 
rakers by, 287; chairmanship 
of Republican caucus held by, 
288, 319. 412; letter of. to 
Turner, 290; relations of, to 
Blythe, 290, 291, 292; inde- 
pendence of. 290, 291, 342, 



452 



INDEX 



343 345; relations of, with 
Progressives, 290, 293, 294, 

295, 296, 298, 300, 301, o03, 
304' 331, 333, 334, 337, 338, 
433; support of Perkins by, 
291; opposition of, to Cuuimius, 
291, 292, 335, 336, 415, 433; 
support of Cummins by, 292. 
293, 303: party loyalty of, 29a, 

296. 306, 314. 316, 317, 318, 

331, 334, 338, 339: campaign 
m.inager for, 297, 379: support 
of, bv Lacey, 298; support of, 
by Wilson, 298, 308; symp.ithy 
for, 304. 305; letter to, from 
Roosevelt, 305, 306: contest of 
election bv. 306, 307: friendship 
of, for VTilson, 307, 308: can- 
didacy of. for Customs Court, 
308; Commissionership of Pen- 
sions offered to, 308: opposition 
of, to House rules. 309-327; 
attitude of. on power of Speak- 
er. 309, 310, 313. 315, 316, 
320, 324-327; attitude of. on 
power of Committee on Rules, 
309, 313. 326, 327: attitude of, 
on committee organization, 313, 
320, 322. 325. 326; candidacy 
of, for Speakership. 317-319, 
412 ; insurgents led by, 320- 
327, 333, 430: Wiley defended 
bv, 330 ; support of Standpat- 
ters bv, 331, 332. 333, 334, 
336; support of Taft by, 331, 

332, 334, 335, 336: disagree- 
ment of. with Roosevelt, 333. 
335. 336. 337. 338; comment 
of. on Republican national con- 
vention of 1912, 337; attend- 
ance of, at G. A. R. encamp- 
ment, 339, 340, 342 ; death of, 
341; membership of, in Society 
of Sons of the American Revo- 
lution. 350; degree of LL. D. 
conferred upon, 352 : Masonic 
career of. 353 ; misconduct of, 
360: application of, for fur- 
lo\igh, 363: opinion of, on mili- 
tary appointments, 364- body 
servant of, 365: ministry sus- 
sested to, 368; familv of. 368, 
369. 389. 397, 421, 435, 436: 
invention by, 369; delivery of 
speeches by, 370: service of, as 
law examiner, 371: attention of, 
to public duties, 372: work of. 
to quiet land title, 379: service 
of. as college trustee, 384: mag- 
azine article by. 392 : work of, 
for Department of Commerce 



and Labor, 401, 402; golden 
wedding anniversary of, 403; 
praise of. by Committee on In- 
terstate and Foreign Commerce, 
407; mention of. for Interstate 
Commerce Commission, 408 ; 
participation of. in International 
Railway Congress. 408; trip 
of, to Europe, 410; service of, 
on House Office Building com- 
mission. 412; work of, in Fifty- 
ninth Congress, 412; work of, 
for Revenue Cutter Service, 
417-421; work of. for Signal 
Corps. 421: interest of. in mili- 
tary alYairs, 421-423; debate of, 
with Tawney, 423 : change in 
House riiles proposed by, 424 ; 
mention of, for Speakership, 
424. 425. 427; seat of, in Fif- 
ty-sixth Congress, 425 ; work 
of, in Sixtieth Congress, 427- 
429 ; work of, to regulate spec- 
ulation, 427-429: young men 
helped by, 431; chair presented 
to, 432 : domestic life of, 432 ; 
G. A. R. activities of, 435; cem- 
etery lots of. 436 

Hepburn. Mrs. William P., 19, 22, 
28, 42, 46, 89, 235, 239, 286, 
287, 329, 353, 359, 368, 385, 
402; character of, 415; custom 
of, to accompany husband, 
415; age of, 435: residence of, 
436 (see also Morsman, Mel- 
vina) 

Hepburn (Iowa), name of, 370 

Hepburn-DoUiver bill, 378 

Hepburn rate bill, opinion on, 
252-254. 266, 267, 275; provi- 
sions of, 25-,}, 264, 265, 266, 
272-275; public debate on. 266- 
271; report of, 266, 268: pas- 
sage of, 268, 271, 275; amend- 
ment of, 271, 272-275; attitude 
of Wallace toward. 405 406 ; 
attitude of Cummins toward, 
406; opposition of Blvthe to, 
413 

Hess, S. J.. 24 

Heyburn. Weldon B.. advocacy of 
pure food bill by, 281-283 

Higgins. Hattie. 16 

Higgins. Van H., acquaintance of, 
with Hepburn, 16; appearance 
of. 16 : reference to, 352 

Hiigins, Mrs. Van H., 16 

Hiff-rins. Beckwith. and Strother, 
law firm of, 16. 17, 352 

Hinds. Asher C, 321 

Hinds, B. H., opip'on of Hepburn 
by, 156 



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v> vr i^-i, i</>. srTi; 
vf in 

. : -i-i'i 



454 



INDEX 



Insane asylum, maintenance of, 
for immigrants, 152 

Inspector of cavalry, service of 
Hepburn as, 78-80 

Insular Affairs, Committee on, 
Hepburn on, 391 

Insular possessions, attitude of 
Hepburn toward, 194-198 

Insurance companies, investiga- 
tion of, 262 

Insurgents, leadership of, by Hep- 
burn, 309, 320, 333; program 
of, 320, 322, 323, 325; achieve- 
ment of, 321, 327; amendment 
of House rules by, 429; dis- 
agreement among, 430, 431 

Internal improvements (see Pub- 
lic improvements) 

International Monetary Confer- 
ence, failure of, 175 

International Railway Congress, 
Hepburn at, 408 

Interstate and Foreign Commerce, 
Committee on, Hepburn ap- 
pointed chairman of, 187; ref- 
erence to, 200, 221, 258, 320, 
400, 402, 404, 409, 419; action 
of, on canal bill, 201, 202, 208, 
209, 216; criticism of, 204 ; re- 
ports by, 209, 210, 238, 418; 
trips of, to Panama, 221; trib- 
ute of, to Hepburn, 222, 256, 
257, 344, 407, 432; service of 
Hepburn on, 243, 244, 276, 
277, 285, 288, 289, 290; hear- 
ings before, 250, 251; work of, 
on railroad regulation, 250, 
251; members of, 251, 432; 
opinion of, on Hepburn rate 
bill, 254, 265, 266; Esch- 
Townsend bill reported by, 
255; hearings before, 277; re- 
port of, on pure food bill, 277, 
279; sittings of, 430 

Interstate Commerce, Committee 
on (Senate), members of. 268; 
action of, on Hepburn rate bill, 
268, 269; reference to, 409 

Interstate commerce, power of 
States over, 135 

Interstate Commerce Act, provi- 
sions in, 247; interpretation of, 
248; reference to, 257, 264; 
support of, by Hepburn, 380, 
381 

Interstate Commerce Commission, 
138, 255, 396, 410; candidacy 
of Hepburn for. 145. 146, 408; 
attitude of Wallace toward. 231, 
232, 233: attitude of Hepburn 
toward, 231, 232, 234, 380; 



recommendation of, 248; pow 
ers of, 249, 250, 251, 252, 260 
263, 264, 265, 267, 269, 271 
272^ 406; size of, 252, 265 
266, 272, 273; salary of mem 
bers of, 252, 265, 272, 273 
term of, 265, 266 

Inventions, effect of, on labor, 401 

Iowa, journey to, 6, 7 ; admission 
of Hepburn to bar in, 17 ; po- 
litical conditions in, 23, 252, 
263, 335, 338, 382; delegates 
of, to Republican national con- 
vention, 44, 45, 181; Southern 
sympathy in, 48 ; troops from, 
48, 358; tfi^ird parties in, 97; 
prominence of Congressional 
delegation from, 105 ; reference 
to, 112, 159, 206, 329; re- 
districting of, 126; railroad 
pooling in, 137, 138; Presiden- 
tial candidate from, 142, 143, 
180-182; strength of Republi- 
cans iii, 143, 166, 227; repre- 
sentation of, on Cabinet, 145, 
307; opinion of Hepburn in, 
179, 219, 232, 233; Foraker 
in, 185; Governor of, 225, 226; 
campaign in, 231; Speaker 
from, 319; visit of Hepburn to, 
330, 336, 339, 366; action of 
Congressmen from, 332; admis- 
sion of, 389; Federal court in, 
416; Grant in, 435 

Iowa, Territory of, capital of, 6 ; 
government of, 198 ; Superin- 
tendent of Public Instruction 
in, 351 

Iowa Capitol Reporter (Iowa 
City), employment of Hepburn 
on, 13 

Iowa City, removal of Hepburn 
to, 6, 7, 10 ; Legislative Assem- 
bly in, 8 ; schools in, 10 ; doc- 
tor in, 12 ; visit of Hepburn to, 
12, 159; newspapers in, 13; 
societv in, 15, 16 ; reference to, 
17, 20, 21, 26, 38, 49, 50, 52, 
91, 92, 353, 354, 360; build- 
ing in, 22 ; conventions in, 23, 
355; Hampton in, 350; mayor 
of, 351; Morsman in, 351 

Iowa City College, Hepburn in, 
10; principal of, 10 

Iowa City Lodge, No. 4, A. F. & 
A. M.. Hampton in, 350; Hep- 
burn in, 353 

Iowa City Republican, employ- 
ment of Hepburn on, 13 

lowT City Univp-^'tv. regent of. 
350 



INDEX 



455 



Iowa Falls, 40, 383 

"Iowa idea", substance of, 225; 
repudiation of, 227, 230; refer- 
ence to, 300; attitude of Cum- 
mins on, 396 

Iowa River, 19 

Iowa State Agricultural Society, 
350 

Iowa State Bar Association, exec- 
iitive council of, 93 

loica .State Ixt'iiister (Des Moines), 
90, 98, 105 

Ireland, Matthew Lyon from, 4; 
reference to, 144 

Irish, societies of, 391 

Iron works, establishment of, by 
Lyon, 4 

Irving Block prison, inspection of, 
87 

Island No. 8, 55 

Island No. 10, 54, 55, 56 ; opera- 
tions against, 54-60 ; bombard- 
ment of, 57; evacuation of, 59, 
60, 61 

Isolation, end of, 195 

Isthmian canal, question of, 200; 
advocacy of, by Hepburn, 200- 
222; necessity for, 200, 201, 
209; Congressional debate on, 
200, 203, 204, 207, 211-214, 
216, 217-219; legislation for, 
201-222; investigation of, 201, 

208, 211; attitude of newspa- 
pers on, 201, 209; opposition 
to, 203, 204, 210, 211, 218, 
219, 220; defense of, 208,218; 
American control of, 209, 210, 
212, 213, 216; advantages of, 

209, 213, 214; neutralization 
of, 210; destruction of, 218; 
construction of, by commission, 
219, 220; reference to, 248. 
311, 312, 392; government 
ownership of, 403, 404 (see 
also Nicaragua Canal and Pan- 
ama Canal) 

Isthmian Canal Commission, es- 
tablishment of, 208; report of, 
219 
Isthmus of Panama, 208 ; canal 

zone in, 221 
Italians, societies of, 391 
Italy, immigrants from, 152 
luka (Alabama), battle of, 77, 

365 
Ivey's Hill (Mississiiipi), battle 
at, 86 

Jackson, Andrew, 124 
Jackson (Tennessee), Hepburn at, 
81 



Jamieson, William D., character 
of, 296, 297, 302; candidacy 
of, for Congress, 296, 299, 302"- 
304; campaign manager of, 302 

Jamison, J. J., 307 

Japan, Taft party in, 239, 240 
242 

Jerusalem (Palestine), consulship 
at, 148 

Jews, 335 

"Jim Crow" amendment, 272, 273 

Johns, John, 44 

Johnson, Andrew, repudiation of, 
by soldiers, 95 

Johnson County, Hepburn in, 7; 
deputy clerk in, 17; reference 
to, 24. 26; Hampton in, 350; 
supervisor of, 351; old settlers 
in, 434 

Johnston, Albert S., 361 

Jolo (Philippine Islands), Taft 
party at, 241 

Jones, Benjamin F., 27 

Judge advocate, attitude of Hep- 
burn toward duties of, 75, 76, 
78; service of Hepburn, as, 75, 
76, 78, 435 

Judicial district, division of, 416 

Judicial review, extent of power 
of, 251, 265, 267, 269-271; 
provision for, 252, 260, 263, 
264, 267, 271 

Judiciary, Committee on, Hepburn 

. on, 376; reference to, 396, 399 

Junior warden, Hampton as, 350 

Kamehameha Day, 236 

Kansas, Representative from, 115 

Kansas Central Committee of 
Iowa, 14 

Kansas-Nebraska Act, 23 

Kasson, John A., 43 

Kelley, William D., praise of Hep- 
burn by, 118, 119 

Kentucky, Congressman from, 5 ; 
Confederate defense in, 55 

Keokuk dam, dedication of, 434 

Kinne, L. G., joint debates of, 129 

Kinney, John P., Hepburn on 
farm of, 11 

Kirkwood, Samuel J., 14, 24, 70, 
73, 106, 357, 358; campaign 
of, 40, 43 ; inaugural address 
of, 43; troops raised by, 48; 
Hepburn recommended to, 74, 
75 ; attitude of, toward Hep- 
burn, 75 ; criticism of, by Hep- 
burn, 364 

Kirkwnofl HotM. 110 

Kobe (Japan), Taft party in, 240, 
242 



456 



INDEX 



"Korea" (steamship), 242 
Kroto (Japan), Taft party in, 
240 

Labor disputes, arbitration of, 388 

Laborers, contract for, 157; un- 
emplovment of, 172; protection 
of, 178, 183, 227, 333, 395, 
397, 398: organization of, 238, 
239; opposition of, to Hepburn, 
303; opposition of, to Roose- 
velt, 335; sympatliy of Hepburn 
for, 401: antagonism, of, to cap- 
ital, 401, 402; need of, in 
Cuba, 426, 427 

Lacev, John F., candidacy of, for 
Senate, 179, 224; support of 
Hepburn by, 298; Standpatters 
supported ijy, 332 

La Follette, Robert M., filibuster 
by, 115: candidacy of, for Pres- 
ident, 335: reference to, 433 

La Grange (Tennessee), Hepburn 
at, 81, 366 

Land, sale of, 21, 354; grant of, 
to railroads, 44 ; title to, in Des 
Moines Valley, 132 ; grant of, 
for reclamation, 178 ; invest- 
ment in, by Hepburn, 329; title 
to swamp, 358 

Larrabee, William, mention of, for 
Senate, 141 

Lathrop, Henry W., 14, 24 

Latin, study of, by Hepburn, 15 

Law, study of, by Hepburn. 13- 
17; practice of, bv Hepburn, 
88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 139, 
140. 308. 330, 339, 356, 368, 
372, 382; origin of, 196 

Law suits, instigation of, by Hep- 
burn, 150, 15". 

Lawver, busintj.^ of, 21; ability 
of Hepburn as, 22, 25, 26, 37, 
38. 42, 93, 146, 343 

Lawvers, tribute of, to Hepburn, 
343 

Lee, Harry S., partnership of, 
with Hepburn, 368 

Lee, S. D., 83, 85 

Lee Counts, Hepburn on farm in, 
11 

Legaspi (Philippine Islands), 
harbor of, 241 

Legi.slative Assembly, transcribing 
clerk in, 8 

Le Grand Township, 31, 33 

Lepers, colony of, 238 

LeTiro=;v. studv of. 238; protection 
against, 399. 400 

Levees, opposition of Hepburn to, 
107-110, 112, 375 



Lewis and Clark Expedition, in- 
spection of, 3 

Leyte Island, Taft party on, 241 

Liberal Republicans, work of 
Hepburn for, 96, 97; conven- 
tion of, 97; failure of, 97 (see 
Republicans and Progressives) 

Lieutenant Colonel, promotion of 
Hepburn to, 70, 71, 73, 74 

Lieutenant Governor, Hepburn 
mentioned for, 96 

Lincoln, Abrahani, 44. 122 ; nom- 
ination of, for President, 45, 
46 ; inauguration of, 46 ; call 
of, for volunteers. 48 

Liquor traffic, regulation of. 43, 
378, 427; issue on, in 1883, 
126; constitutional amendment 
on, 126, 127; attitude of po- 
litical parties toward. 127; at- 
titude of Hepburn on, 127-129, 
130, 131, 377, 378; investiga- 
tion of, 377 

Litigation, expedition of, 260 

Little Rock (Arkansas), 82 

Littlefield. Charles E., candidacy 
of, for Speakership, 426 

Lobbv. influence of, 269 

Log-rolling, attitude of Hepburn 
on, 113, 116. 342, 374, 429 

Logan, story of, 5, 6 

"Logan" (transport), 242 

Long and short haul, nullification 
of, 248; attitude of Hepburn 
on, 380, 381 

Long Branch Life Saving Station, 
158 

Lookout Mountain, 130 

Louisiana, 112 

Louisiana Purchase, result of. 194 

Louisville (Kentucky), 3, 6. 76 

Love, Hiram W., 52 

Lovering. William C, 254 

Loving cup, presentation of, to 
Hepburn, 257 

Low, Seth, 396 

Lucas County, 377 

Lyon, George G., 27 

Lyon, Matthew, daughter of, 3 
wife of, 4 ; career of, 4, 5 
service of, in Congress, 349 
reference to. 350 

McClellan. George B., removal of, 

122, 124 
MeCumber. Porter J., pure food 

bill introduced bv, 280 
McDJll. ,T. W., mention of, for 

Congress, 102 
McGinnis. V. R.. candidacy of. 

for Congress, 299, 394 



INDEX 



457 



Machine, experience of Hepburn 
with, 290, 291; composition of, 
389, 390 

McKinley, William, noniination 
of, for President. 181. 182; 
Philiimine policy of, 198; ref- 
erence to, 410 

McKinley taritf, 170, 172 

Maclean, J. N., tribute of, to 
Hepburn, 286, 287 

McPherson, Smith, opinion of, 
294; reference to, 371 

Madison, Dolly, 3 

Madison, James, 3 

Magellan. Fernando, 241 

Ma.ior, promotion of Hepburn to, 
51 

"Manchuria" (steamship), 239, 
240 

Manila (Philippine Islands). 198 ; 
Taft party in, 240, 241, 242 

Mann, James R., advocacy of 
pure food bill by, 283, 284, 
285; tribute of, to Hepburn, 
284, 285; reference to, 419; 
character of, 420 

Manufacturers, opposition of, to 
Hepburn rate bill. 254 

Manufactures, Committee on (Sen- 
ate), action of, on pure food 
bill, 2 79 

Marietta, removal of county seat 
from, 30-35; reference to, 40 

Marietta (Ohio), 6 

Marine Hospital Service, immi- 
grants examined by, 15G ; sup- 
port of, by Hepburn, 400 ; ref- 
erence to, 427 

Marion Township, 31, 33 

Maritime Canal Company, sup- 
port of, 201, 202 

Marshall County, population of, 
19; prosecuting attorney in, 
25 ; location of county seat in, 
29-35; reference to, "36, 356; 
Republican convention in, 355 

Marshall Horse Guards, accep- 
tance of, for service, 50 

Marshalltown. founding of, 19; 
removal of Hepburn to, 19; 
population of, 19, 20; reference 
to, 21, 25, 47. 50. 74. 354; 
loyalty of people in, 29; pro- 
posal to remove capital to, 29 ; 
removal of county seat to, SO- 
35 ; growth of, 88 ; convention 
in, 355 

Marshalltown Lodge No. 108, A. 
F. & A. M., Hepburn in. 353 

Martial law, Hepburn's opinion 
of, 72, 73 



Maryland, 144 

Mason, John Y., 390 

Mason, career of Hepburn as, 

341, 353 
Mason City, 52 
Massey, B. A., partnership of, 

with Hepburn, 368 
Maxwell, Thomas L., candidacy 

of, for Congress, 164 
Meat, price fixing of, 162 
Mechanics' Academy, attendance 

of lieiiburn at, 10; service of 

Mrs. Hampton as instructor in, 

10: reference to. 353 
Medill, Messrs., 337 
Memphis (Tennessee), Hepburn 

in, 82, 87, 89; pri.son in, 87; 

law practice in, 89, 90; public 

utilities in, 89, 90; removal of 

Hepburn from, 91; reference 

to, 366, 368 
Memi)his and Charleston Railroad, 

361 
Memphis Street Railway, 90 
Merchant marine, increase of, 173 
Meridian (Mississipi)i), raid on, 

84. 85 
Meridian expedition, i)articipation 

of Hepburn in, 84-86, 148; 

troops commanded by Hepburn 

in, 367 
Merit system, criticism of, bv 

Hepburn, 188-193; expense of, 

189, 191 
Methodist Church, 341 
Mexico, 340 
Michigan, pork for, 113, 116; 

Hepburn in, 231 
"Midnight tariffs", abolition of, 

264 
Military Academy, hazing at, 421, 

422 
Military affairs, interest of Hep- 
burn in, 421-423 
Military maneuvers, attitude of 

Hepburn on, 422 
Military organization, volunteer 

system of. 169. 170 
Military strategy, results of, 194, 

195 
Militia encampments, 422 
Miller, J. F., 385 
Miller, Samuel F., 14 
Miller, William 'E.. 91 
Mills County. 99, 100 
Milwaukee (Wisconsin), post of- 
fice in, 158 
Mindanao Island, Taft party on, 

241 
Miners, attitude of, toward Hep- 
burn, 297, 298, 303 



31 



458 



INDEX 



Mingo Indians, chief of, 5 
Ministry, preijaration of Hepburn 

for, 368 
Minnesota, 148; Hepburn in, 231 
Minority, leadersliip of, by Hep- 
burn, 117; obstruction by, 425, 
426 
Misbranding, proliibitiou of, 276, 
277, 278, 279, 283 

Mississippi, desire for peace in, 
81 

Mississippi River, trip on, 7 ; ref- 
erence to, 36, 55; opposition of 
Hepburn to improveuieut of, 
107-111, 112, 375; importance 
of, 108 

Mississippi River Commission, 110 

Missouri, campaign in, 54-60; 
roads in, 55; reference to, 373 

Missouri River, 7, 377; commerce 
on, 113, 114; opposition of 
Hepburn to improvement of, 
113, 114, 375 

Mitchell, W. O., candidacy of, for 
Congress, 162, 164 

Mobile and Ohio Railroad, raid 
on, 67, 84 

Molokai Island, leper colony on, 
238 

Money (see Currency) 

Money changers, concessions to, 
152 

Monopoly, attitude of Hepburn 
toward, 134 ; attitude of Ander- 
son toward, 135 ; restraint of, 
162 ; tendency toward, 225 ; 
shelter of, by "tariff, 225, 226, 
227, 229, 230; creation of, 
249; reference to, 426 (see also 
Trusts, Corporations, and Rail- 
roads) 

Monroe Doctrine, attitude of Hep- 
burn toward, 209 

Monterey (Tennessee), attack on, 
361 

Montgomery County, 100 

Moody, William H., 207; cooper- 
ation of, with Hepburn, 251, 
261 

Moore, Charles P., Hepburn 
praised by, 74 

Moore, N. B., election of, to State 
Senate, 94, 95 

"Morning hour", revival of, 316; 
eiTect of, 426 

Moros, 241 

Morsman, M. J., 12 ; career of, 
351 

Morsman, Melvina, acquaintance 
of, with Hepburn, 12; court- 
ship of, 15, 10, 17; marriage 



of, 18 ; schools attended by, 
352, 353 (see also Hepburn, 
Mrs. W. P.) 

Morsman, W. W., partnership of, 
with Hepburn, 92, 93 

Morton, Levi P., 145 

Mount Ayr, 289, 298 

Muckrakers, criticism of, by Hep- 
burn, 287 

Mules, capture of, 84, 85 

Munn V. The State of Illinois, 381 

Murfreesboro (Tennessee), battle 
of, 315, 366 

Muscatine, 51 (see also Bloom- 
ington) 

Nagasaki (Japan), Taft party at, 
240, 242 

Nashville (Tennessee), Hepburn 
at, 78 ; reference to, 366 

National Civic Federation, 396 

National Progressive Republican 
League, 333 

National Pure Food and Drug 
Congress, 278 

Naturalization, bill providing for, 
282; attitude of Hepburn to- 
ward, 391 

Naval Academy, hazing at, 421, 
422 

Naval constructor, 418 

Navigation, attitude of Hepburn 
on improvement of, 107-116; 
reference to, 150 

Navy, engineers from, 202, 208; 
use of, 236; reliance on, 421; 
increase of, 423 (see also Sec- 
retary of the Navy) 

Navy Department, 422 

Navy Yard, 154 

Nebraska, 146 

Negroes, freedom of, 90, 91, 97; 
flight of, to Union lines, 84 ; 
reference to, 335 

Negros Island, Taft party on, 241 

Nepotism, Hepburn accused of, 
390 

Nevada, 40, 246 

New Albany (Mississippi), 84 

New Jersey, 181; Hepburn in, 
231 

New Madrid (Missouri), cam- 
paign against, 54-57; attack 
on, 56; appearance of, 57; 
evacuation of, 57 

New Orleans (Louisiana), 2; im- 
portance of, 108 

New Panama Canal Company, lob- 
by of, 207, 203; stock of,' 213; 
reference to, 217. 218: pur- 
chase of property of, 219 



INDEX 



459 



New York City, 2, 144, 145, 158. 
199, 262; immigration adminis- 
tration in, 151-155; Collector 
of Port of, 153, 154, 157; cus- 
toms administration in, 157; 
speech of Hepburn in, 434 

New York Press, opinion ex- 
pressed in, 254 

New York Stock Exchange, busi- 
ness of, 428 

New York Tribune, tribute of, to 
Hepburn, 342, 343 

New York World, opinion ex- 
pressed in, 267 

Newport Township, Hepburn in, 7 

Newspaper, establishment of, by 
Lyon, 4; management of, by 
Hepburn, 91, 92 

Newspapers, attitude of, toward 
Hepburn, 156, 161, 252, 253, 
408; attitude of, on isthmian 
canal, 201; interview in, 226; 
comment in, 282, 307; cor- 
respondents of, 405 

Nicaragua, acquisition of land 
in, 202, 219; revolutions in, 
392 

Nicaragua Canal, Congressional 
debate on, 200, 203, 204, 207, 
211-214, 216, 217-219; advo- 
cacy of, 201-204, 208-220, 311, 
424; legislation for, 201-220; 
opposition to, 202, 203, 204, 
207, 210, 211, 218, 219, 220; 
cost of, 202, 209, 213. 216, 
217; practicability of, 209, 
211; route of, 392 

Nicaragua Canal Board, 201, 204 

Ninth Congressional District, 380 

Ninth Illinois Cavalry, 367 

Nodaway Lodge No. 140, A. F. & 
A. M., Hepburn in, 353 

Nodaway River, 92 

Nodaway Township, 94 

Nodaway Valley, railroad in, 94 

North American Commercial Com- 
pany, 158 

Northern Pacific Railroad, 139, 
382 

Norvell, Alice, letter from, 148. 
149 

Notes, cancellation of legal-tender, 
174 

Nourse, C. C. 14: offices of, 27; 
reputation of, 27 

Oahu College, 400 

Office-holders, 389, 390 

Officers, proportion of. to men, 

421; promotion of, 421 
Ogden (Utah), 246 



Ohio, forests of, 6; speeches of 
Hepburn in, 159 

Ohio Constitutional Convention, 
speech of Roosevelt at, 335 

Ohio River, importance of, 1; ap- 
pearance of, 5 ; traffic on, 5 ; 
journey down, 6, 7 ; reference 
to, 76 

Ohio Valley, 2 

Oil companies, regulation of, 274, 
275 

Okolona (Mississippi), 84 

OUtilibeha Creek, 85 

Old Brick Capitol, 27; acoustic 
properties of, 28 

Old Fort Pitt, James S. Hepburn 
at, 3 

Old settlers, speech of Hepburn 
to, 434 

Old Stone Capitol, 13; convention 
in, 24 

Oleomargarine, tax on, 132, 276; 
regulation of sale of, 276, 410 

Olmsted. Marlin E., defense of 
standing rules by, 321 

Open door, attitude of Hepburn 
toward, 236 

"Oregon" (battleship), vovage of, 
200 

Orient, trip of Hepburn to, 235- 
242, 402; open door in, 235, 
236; hospitality in, 239, 240, 
241 

Original package, 378 

Orr, William, 402; gratitude of, 
to Hepburn, 431 

Osawatomie (Kansas), speech of 
Roosevelt at, 333, 335 

Osceola, 379 

Ostend Manifesto, 196, 390 

Outlook. The, opinion expressed 
in, 210 

Pacific Ocean, military control of, 
195 : reference to, 200 

Pacific railroads, attitude of Hep- 
burn toward. 244-247; settle- 
ment of claims against. 244- 
247. 404; proposed government 
ownership of, 246, 247 

Pacific Railroads, Committee on, 
service of Hepluirn on, 243, 
244; proposals of, 244 

Packing houses, sanitation in, 276 

Page County, 95, 99, 100. 102. 
103, 286, 301, 304, 329, 377, 
395 

Page Coiintv bar, memorial ser- 
vices of. for Hepburn. 343 

Pane Count!/ Democrat, opinion 
expressed in, 106 

Paye County Herald, interest of 



460 



INDEX 



Hepburn in, 92 ; reference to, 
95 

Paine, E. A., 56, 64, 65 

Palmer, John M., 65 

Panama, independence of, 220, 
221, 393; canal zone in, 221; 
trips of Hepburn to, 221 

Panama Canal, advocacy of, 207, 
208, 218, 219, 220; opposition 
to, 213, 217, 218, 220; type of, 
222; value of, 235; work of 
Hepburn for, 412 

Panay Island, Taft party in, 241 

Panic of 1837, 6 

Panic of 1893, 224 

Panic of 1907, cause of, 427, 428 

Paper mills, establishment of, 4 

Paper money, value of, 175 ; dis- 
advantage of, 177 

Parliamentary law, Hepburn's 
knowledge of, 106, 187, 203- 
206 

Parliamentary procedure (see 
Rules of the House) 

Partisanship, attitude of Hepburn 
toward, 171 

Party harmony, attitude of Hep- 
burn toward, 102 

Passavant glove case, 157 

Passes, regulation of, 203, 267, 
269, 272, 273, 274, 275 

Patents, Committee on, Hepburn 
on, 376 

Patriotism, expression of, by Hep- 
burn, 198, 199 

Patronage, disposal of, by Hep- 
burn, 148, 149, 168, 169, 302, 
383, 389, 390; defense of, by 
Hepburn. 188-193; trouble 
from, 298, 302 

Paupers, exclusion of. 153, 155 

Pavne, O. E., opinion expressed 
by, 209 

Payne, Sereno E., 320; candidacy 
of, for Speakership, 426 

Pavne-AIdrich tariff, opponents of, 
332; effect of, 333 

Peace, attitude of Hepburn to- 
ward, 81, 82; efforts of Taft 
for, 334, 335 

Pearl River. 242 

Pendleton civil service bill, sup- 
port of, by Hepburn, 389 

Pennsylvania, Hepburn in, 231; 
reference "to, 262. 327 

Pension Act of 1907. 427 

Pensions, work of Hepburn for 
117-125. 168, 169. 302: atti 
tude of Democrats toward. 118 
attitude of G. A. R. toward 
118; attitude of Cleveland to 



ward, 118, 120; defense of, by 
Hepburn, 169, 170; referenc^e 
to, 302 ; grant of, to men in 
Revenue Cutter Service, 418, 
419, 420 

Pensions, Committee on, Hepburn 
on, 376 

Percival, Robert, vote for, 371 

Perczel, Nicholas, 360 

Perkin.s, George D., candidacy of, 
for Senate, 179; Hepburn sup- 
ported by, 253 ; campaign of, 
for Governor, 291; support of, 
by Hepburn, 291; telegram 
from, 304, 305; Standpatters 
supported by, 332, 336 

Peters, William, Hepburn named 
for, 349 

Philadelphia Press, opinion ex- 
pressed in, 253, 319 

Philippine Islands, annexation of, 
194, 197; defense of adminis- 
tration in, 197, 198; self- 
government in, 198; taxes in, 
240. 241; independence of, sug- 
gested, 240, 241, 242; Taft 
party in, 240-242 ; capital of, 
241; inspection of, 241; refer- 
ence to, 391 

Pierce, Franklin, 390 

Pinchot, Giflford, 337 

Pioneer law-makers, speech of 
Hepburn to, 434 

Pioneers, methods of, 7 ; exneri- 
ences of, 7, 8, 9, 10, 36, 42, 
243 

Pipe lines, regulation of, 272, 
274. 410 

Pittsburg Landing (Tennessee), 
battle at, 61; Hepburn at, 61 

Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania), Re- 
publican convention in, 14, 23; 
reference to, 337 

Piatt, Thomas C, opposition of, 
to pure food bill, 281 

Pleuro-pneumonia, 132 

Poetry, studv of, by Hepburn, 15 

Political parties, break up of, 23 : 
harmony in, 102 ; necessity of, 
190, 191; maintenance of, 191; 
faith in, 237, 414 

Political reforms, methods of, 290; 
opposition of Hepburn to, 333, 
334. 335. 338. 339 

Politics, training of Hepburn in, 
13; tense situation in, 43; in- 
fluence of Hepburn in, 94, 95 ; 
comnlexity of. 131 

Pnlk Countv RepuWic.Tn Club, 396 

Pontotoc (Mississippi). 85 

Pooling, attitude of Anderson on. 



INDEX 



461 



133, 135, 137, 138; attitude of 
Hepburn on, 135 ; provision of 
Cullom bill on, 135 ; provisions 
of Reagan bill on, 135; prohi- 
bition of, 247; authorization of, 
263; regulation of, 381 

Poorhouses, soldiers in, 120 

Pope, John, 55, 56, 58, 61; strat- 
egy of, 56; stalt" of, 66, 70 

Populists, fusion of, 161, 164, 
165, 180, 183; candidate of, 
for Congress, 164 ; conduct of 
campaign by, 165, 166; defeat 
of, 180 ; opposition of, to Hep- 
burn, 185, 186; criticism of, 
by Hepburn, 246 

Pork barrel legislation, opposition 
of Hepburn to, 107-116, 372, 
374-376; origin of name of, 373 

Porter, Albert G.. 142 

Porter, Claude R., 303 

Porter, Peter A., politics of, 412 

Porto Rico, annexation of, 194, 
197; reference to, 391 

Post offices, support of small, 178, 
179; work of Hepburn for, 
415-417 

Postmasters, appointment of, 223 ; 
dissatisfaction of, 298, 302 

Postville, debate at, 378, 379 

Potomac River, 4 

Pottawattamie County, 100, 103 

Poverty, attitude of Hepburn to- 
ward, 329 

Powder, price of smokeless, 422 

Powell's block, 22 

Powers, Thomas E., 354 

Poweshiek County, 24. 27 

Preparedness, Hepburn for, 422, 
423; Tawney against, 423 

President. Allison proposed for. 
142-145, 180-182; candidates 
for, 142, 334, 335; nomination 
of McKinlev for. 181, 182; 
power of, 202, 204, 208, 217, 
219, 220, 270; reference to, 
218, 220, 221, 222, 252, 259, 
261, 308, 330, 332, 337, 393, 
402. 407, 409, 429 

Presidential elector, service of 
Hepburn as, 97, 145 

Price, Sterling, battles with army 
of, 77 

Primary elections. 289, 293, 294, 
308, 415; danger of, 296; con- 
duct of, 298, 299 

Printer, experience of Hepburn as, 
13 

Prisoners, exchange of, 83. 87 

Private car lines, regulation of, 
249. 264 



Progressive party, organization of, 

338 (see also Progressives) 
Progressives, activities of, 225, 
230, 263; leadership of, 225, 
289, 290, 291, 332, 333; atti- 
tude of, toward Hepburn, 289, 
293, 304 ; program of, 289, 333 ; 
opposition of Hepburn to, 290, 
296, 300, 331, 333, 334, 337, 
338, 433 ; alliance of, with 
Democrats, 293, 298, 303, 304; 
strength of, 299; victory of, 
333; defeat of, 336 
Prohibition, issue on, in 1883, 
126 ; constitutional amendment 
for, 126, 127; attitude of polit- 
ical parties toward, 127; atti- 
tude of Hepburn on, 127-129, 
130, 131 
Promotion, method of, 421 
Property, ownership of, by Hep- 
burn, 329 
Property rights, attitude of Hep- 
burn on, 250. 259, 260 
Prosecuting attorney, duties of, 
25; election of Hepburn as, 25; 
salary of, 25 ; success of Hep- 
burn as, 25, 26; record of An- 
derson as, 138; Hampton as, 
350 
Protective tariff, trusts sheltered 
by, 225, 226, 227, 229, 230; 
Republicans tested by, 226; im- 
portance of, 227; origin of, 227; 
benefits of, 227, 228, 229; sup- 
port of. by Hepburn, 395, 414; 
reference to, 396, 401 (sec also 
Tariff) 
Proudfit, S. v., 100 
Provisional regiment, connection 

of Hepburn with, 87 
Public buildings, work of Hep- 
burn for, 158, 301, 415-417, 
427; money wasted on, 375, 
376 
Public Health and Marine Hos- 
pital Service, 238 (see also Ma- 
rine Hnsiiital Service) 
Public improvements, attitude of 
Hepburn tow.ird, 108, 109, 110, 
111, 112. 113, 116, 301, 374- 
376; attitude of Democrats 
toward, 130 
Public Lands. Committee on, Hep- 
burn on, 376, 379 
Public office desire of Hepburn 

for, 329, 330. 331 
Public officials, free transportation 

of, 274 
"Public Sentiment and Reform" 
speech by Hepburn oo, 435 



462 



INDEX 



Puget bound, 382 

Pure food, advocacj' of, by Hep- 
burn, 276-285; demand for, 
276, 279 

Pure food bill, authorship of, 277, 
278, 280, 281, 284; opposition 
to, 280; provision of, 283 

Pure food law, administration of, 
330 

Pusey, W. H. M., 380 

Quarantine, provisions for, 400 

Quartermaster department, civil- 
ians in, 421 

Queal, Paul A., Hepburn praised 
by, 74; letter from, 80 

Quorum, counting of, 310, 324 

Railroad commissioner, decisions 
of Anderson as, 135, 137, 138; 
election of, 162 ; reference to, 
380 

Railroad regulation, 131, 247-275; 
attitude of Anderson toward, 
133, 135, 137, 138; attitude of 
Hepburn toward, 134, 135, 137, 
138, 231-234, 243-275, 380, 
381, 404, 408, 410: attitude of 
farmers on, 138, 232; attitude 
of Wallace on, 232, 233 258, 
259 : effect of, 247, 248 ; attitude 
of Roosevelt on, 249, 250, 263, 
264; demand for, 249, 262, 
263; hearings on, 250, 251, 
259, 260; attitude of Poraker 
on, 270; attitude of DoUiver on, 
270, 271; attitude of Progress- 
ives on, 289 (see also Transpor- 
tation and Rates) 

Railroads, extent of, 36; problem of, 
43 ; interest of Hepburn in, 44, 
94, 97, 114, 211, 256, 257, 259; 
importance of, 108 ; concessions 
to, 152 ; arbitration of disputes 
of, 178; opposition of, to canal, 
207; combination of, 247; dis- 
crimination by, 247, 249; in- 
vestisration of, 255; congestion 
of. 262; regulation of industrial, 
264; accidents on, 410 (see 
also Rates, Rebates, Discrimina- 
tion, Pooling, and Pacific rail- 
roads) 

Ralston Creek, 12 

Rates, power of Interstate Com- 
merce Commission over, 232, 
233; rise of, 247; regulation of, 
247, 248, 250, 252, 260, 263, 
264, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 
272, 406; reduction of, 380, 381 



Reagan bill, provisions of, 134, 
135 ; opposition of Hepburn to, 
134, 135, 138, 380; Anderson 
in favor of, 137 

Reapportionment, attitude of Hep- 
burn on, 314, 315 

Rebates, practice of, 247, 248, 
249, 262; prohibition of, 249, 
272 

Recall, 333; effect of, 335; oppo- 
sition of Hepburn to, 335 ; fault 
of, 434 

Reciprocity, attitude of Hepburn 
on, 226. 227, 230. 318: atti- 
tude of Cummins on, 226, 230; 
reference to, 336; effect of, with 
Cuba, 426, 427 

Reclamation, land grants for, 178; 
opposition of Hepburn to, 178, 
388 

Reclamation Act of 1902, attitude 
of Hepburn toward, 388 

Reconstruction, attitude of Hep- 
burn toward, 98 

Recruiting, methods of, 421 

Red Oak, ovation for Hepburn at, 
104; speech of Hepburn at, 185 

Reddy, .James J., campaign man- 
aged by, 302, 303 

Reed, J. R., mention of, for 
Congress, 102, 141 

Reed, Thomas B., opinion of, con- 
cerning Hepburn, 187 ; attitude 
of, on isthmian canal, 201; ref- 
erence to, 311, 424 

Reed rules, adoption of, 208 ; at- 
titude of Hepburn toward, 323, 
324 

Referendum (see Direct legislation) 

Refrigeration, charges for, 264 

Regiment, length of line occupied 
by, 421 

Register and Leader (Des Moines), 
opinion expressed in, 436 

Registry laws, 160 

Relief, funds for soldier, 120 

Religion, early training of Hep- 
burn in, 9 

Representative government, danger 
to, 335: Hepburn for, 433, 434 

Republican Congressional district 
committee, 297 

Republican Congressional district 
convention, nomination of Hep- 
burn by, 99-104, 126, 132, 293; 
proceedings of, 99-104, 164, 
380; praise of Hepburn by, 
132; harmony in, 132, 133; 
Hepburn at, 355; delegates to 
395 

Republican judicial district con- 



INDEX 



463 



vention. Hepburn at. 36, 37; 
nomination of Hepburn at, 37 

Republican national committee, 
powers of, 181, 182 

Republican national convention, 
secretary of first, 14; date of 
first, 23; reference to, 24, 25; 
participation of Hepburn in, 44, 
95, 96, 142, 181, 182; nomina- 
tion of Lincoln by, in 1860, 
45. 46: proceedings of, 142-145, 
181. 182, 337; delegates to, 181 

Republican party, organization of, 
14, 15. 23; principles of, 23, 
24, 227, 337, 338; prominence 
of Hepburn in, 25, 26, 28, 117, 
123, 288. 289, 328, 331; 
strength of, 36, 161, 165, 186, 
228; harmony in, 43, 132. 133; 
leaders in. 43, 225, 229: return 
of Hepburn to, 97: attitude of. 
on prohibition. 127: candidate 
of. for Governor. 127. 129; at- 
titude of. toward soldiers. 141; 
lovaltv of Hepburn to, 171, 295, 
300, 313, 314, 316, 317, 318, 
331. 334, 338. 339. 345; plat- 
form of, on currency, 173. 174, 
175, 177; factions in, 179, 180. 
225. 226, 289: attitude of, 
toward trusts, 225 : control of, 
291; disruption of, 291, 293, 
294, 296. 297, 299, 300, 331- 
339: achievements of, 295, 296 

Republican State central commit- 
tee, work of. 165. 166 

Republican State convention, call- 
ing of first. 23 ; delegates to 
first. 24: participation of Hep- 
burn in. 43. 44. 95, 127, 142, 
336, 354, 355, 371; chara'^ter 
of, 44. 182. 231. 300. 301; 
nomination of Hepburn as Pres- 
idential elector bv. 97: speech 
of Hepburn to. " 97, 183-185, 
230; endorsement of Hepburn 
by. 136. 301. 302; Allison pro- 
posed for President by, 141. 
142, 180. 181; selection of del- 
egates by. 181: Hepburn tem- 
porary chairman of. in 1904. 
230; proceedings of. 331. 332, 
427: presence of Mrs. Hepburn 
at. 415 

Renublicans. artivitv of. in South, 
88. 89. 90: endorsement of. by 
soldiers, 95; barbecue bv, 96; 
attitude of. toward pensions, 
120; attitude of. toward Hen- 
burn, 123. 135. 136, 145, 160- 
164, 222, 297; record of, 183; 



attitude of, on currency ques- 
tion, 183-185; praise of, bv 
Hepburn, 183-185; test of, by 
tariff attitude, 226; attitude of, 
toward railroad regulation, 254; 
liberal faction of, 263, 320-323; 
.Tamieson supported by, 304 
"Reservation", politics in, 289; 
Cummins in, 292 ; control of, 
293, 299 
Revenue, frauds in, 158 
Revenue Cutter Service, 305, 427; 
work of, in Spanish-American 
War, 417, 418; work of Hep- 
burn for, 417-421; vessels for, 
418: duties of, 418. 419, 420; 
pensions for, 418, 419, 420; 
retirement in, 418^ 419, 420; 
pay in. 418, 419, 420. 421; 
work of Frye for. 418, 419, 
421; military regulations ap- 
plicable to. 418, 420 
Remi'tn of Reviews, The, 209 
Revolutionary War, 4 
Reynolds, William, school of, 10; 

reference to, 351 
Rice, Wells S., 30, 32, 33 
Richardson, William, appointment 
of. on conference committee. 
273 ; attitude of, on reform of 
rules, 314, 316 
Ringgold County, 100, 377 
River and harbor bills, opposition 
of Hepburn to. 107-116. 374- 
376: reference to, 117; support 
of, by Hepburn. 372, 373; de- 
scription of. 374 
Rivers and Harbors. Committee 

on. composition of, 113 
Robb, W. IT., candidacy of. for 

Conc;ress, 186 
Roosevelt, Alice, reception of, in 

Orient, 239 
Roosevelt Theodore, approval of 
canal bill bv, 220; letter to Hep- 
burn from. 221: relation of 
Hepburn with, 221, 252, 253, 
254, 261, 262, 264, 292, 301, 
302. 333. 335, 337, 338. 396; 
Hepburn's tributes to. 229, 238, 
305. 306; policv of, 248; atti- 
tude of. on railroad regulation, 
249, 250, 263. 264: reference 
to. 251. 274. 288. 289. 392, 
393. 409. 428: support of Ksch- 
Townsond bill bv. 255; opposi- 
tion of Tillman to, 268: attitude 
of, on judicial review, 271: 
achievement of, 275 ; pure food 
bill approved by. 276. 284; 
Progressives led by, 333, 335, 



464 



INDEX 



337, 338; opponents of, 335, 
336; candidacy of, for Presi- 
dent, 335, 337; cooperation of, 
with Dolliver, 408; telegram 
from, 411. 412 

Eosecrans, William S., 70, 75, 76; 
Hepburn recommended by, 74 : 
Hepburn on staflE of, 76-80 ; 
Hepburn's opinion of, 76, 77, 
364, 365; promotion of. 77; 
generalshij) of, 78 ; Garfield on 
staff of, 106, 371; criticism of, 
364, 365; burial of, 371; ser- 
vice of, in Congress, 371 

Royal Archon, selection of Hep- 
burn as, 11 

Rules, Committee on, attitude of, 
on isthmian canal, 201 ; power 
of, 203, 309. 313, 326, 327; 
action of, 283, 311, 327, 378; 
organization of, 313, 320, 322, 
323, 326; special orders from, 
426 ; amendment of House rules 
by, 431 

Rules of the House, misuse of, 
114, 115; debate on, 203-207; 
attitude of Hepburn toward, 
204-206, 425, 426; reform of. 
309-327, 424, 427, 429, 430", 
431; adoption of, 311, 312, 313, 
315; suspension of, 316, 325; 
interpretation of, 326 

Rural nipil routes, establishment 
of, in eishth district, 416 

Russell. William C. Hepburn 
praised bv, 74, 75 

Russia, immigrants from, 152 

■Russo-Japanese War, 236 

Runs, Clans C, letter from, 79. 80 

Ryan, William H., 432 

Sabbath, observance of, 9 

St. Louis (Missouri). Hepburn's 
ancestors at. 3. 4: Henburn at. 
7. 52. 53. 181, 359; headquar- 
ters at. 61 

St. Paul, ni'otation from. 22S 

St. Paul (Minnesota). 139. 147 

Sakatonchee River. 85 

Salisbury prison, cruelties in. 124 

San Francisco (California), trip 
of Hepburn to. 158, 235. 242 

Ran .Tose (California), 246 

Sanders. Mavor, 12 

Sanders. Pamela. 12 

Sarn. William P.. candidacy of. for 
Congress. 99-104 

Scalning (see Ticket brokerage) 

Schenck. Robert C. 119 

School, training of Hepburn in, 
10, 11 



School fund accounts, investigation 
of, 27, 40, 41 

Scotland, 147; Hepburn in, 410 

Scott, Herbert H., partnership of, 
with Hepburn, 92, 93 

Scott, W. S., candidacy of, for 
Congress, 164 

Scottish Rite Degrees, 353 

Scout duty, participation of Hep- 
burn in, 57, 63, 66; use of cav- 
alry for, 62 ; Hepburn's opinion 
of, 72 

Seal industry, investigation of, 
158 

Seattle (Washington), 305 

Second Brigade, troops in, 366, 
367 

Second Iowa Cavalry, Company B 
of, 50 ; Hepburn a captain in, 
50 ; muster of, at Davenport, 
51; officers of. 51, 52, 67, 70, 
71, 79, 80, 82, 83, 361; loca- 
tion of, at Benton Barracks, 52, 
53; training of, 52, 66; arms 
of, 53; battalions of, 53, 61; 
campai;;n of, in Missouri, 54- 
60; attack of, on Island No. 10, 
59; reconnaissance of, 63, 66, 
83, 361; casualties in, 65; 
charge of. 65, 66; engagement 
of, near Blackland, 68. 69; re- 
cuperation of, 69; conduct of, 
in Booneville engagement, 71, 
72; feeling toward Hepburn in, 
71, 73, 74, 79, 80; standing 
of, 71. 81; reference to, 76, 77, 
78. 148, 362; return of Hep- 
burn to, 79, 80; participation 
of. in engagement at Collier- 
ville. 83; pnrticipation of, in 
skirmish at West Point. 84. 85; 
reenlistment of, 86, 87; Hep- 
burn at reunion of, 159: ren- 
dezvous of. 358; troops briga- 
ded with. 366, 367 

Second Michigan Cavalry. Hen- 
burn offered command of. 66: 
Shprid;in made colonel of, 66; 
conduct of. in engagement at 
Booneville, 71, 72; reference to, 
361 

Secretary of Agriculture, adminis- 
tration of nure food law by, 
278. 283. 284 

Secrelar'- of Commerce and La- 
bor, administration of pure food 
law bv, 283 

Secretary of the Navv. 420 

Secretr'rv of the Treasrrv. Allis'ou 
ment^'^ned for, 145; reference 
to. 150, 151, 157, 404, 419, 



INDEX 



465 



420, 421; administration of 
pure food law by, 283 

Secretary of War, canal constriic- 
tion by, 202 ; trip of, to Orient, 
235 

Sectionalism, 112, 113; attitude 
of Hepburn toward, 118, 120- 
125; evidence of 120-125 

Sedition Law, operation of, 5 

Senate (Iowa), secretary of, 26, 
27; Jamieson in, 302; Harsh 
in, 386 

Senate (United States), bills de- 
feated in, 120; candidacy of 
Hepburn for, 131, 140, "l41, 
179, 180, 223, 224; election 
of Wilson to, 141 ; election of 
Gear to, 180; canal legislation 
in, 202, 216, 219, 220, 221, 
222; reference to, 221, 413, 
430; action of, on Esch-Town- 
send bill, 255; railroad investi- 
gation by, 255; action of, on 
Hepburn rate bill. 268-275; dis- 
agreement of, with House of 
Representatives, 274; action of, 
on pure food bill, 279, 281, 282, 
284; rules in, 281; candidacy 
of Cummins for, 297, 415; can- 
didates for, 351; action of, on 
Revenue Cutter Service, 418, 
419, 420, 421 

Seniority, promotion by, 421 

Seven Mile Creek, 64 

Seventh General Assembly, 26, 28, 
29, 30, 356; Hepburn as clerk 
in, 27, 28 

Seventh Illinois Cavalrv, 87, 361, 
366, 367 

Seward, William H., 44, 46 

Seymour, 382 

Sevmour Press, quotation from, 
161 

Shanghai (China). Taft party at, 
242 

Shaw, Albert, opinion expressed 
by, 209 

Shaw, Leslie M., Senator apnoint- 
ed by, 223, 224; Revenue Cut- 
ter Service su7>pnrted by, 420 

Shelby County, 100. 102 

Shenandoah, speech of Hepburn 
at. 133-135: reference to. 296, 
382; Federal building at, 416, 
417, 427 

Sheridan. Philip H.. promotion of, 
66. 67; reference to, 70, 361; 
aide to, 71; conduct of, 72; 
Hepburn praised by, 74 

Sherlev. Swa-ar, 378 

Sherman, Buren R., criticism of. 



127; nomination of, for Gov- 
ernor, 127; admission of, to 
bar, 127, 128; joint debates of, 
129; opinion of, concerning 
Hepburn, 223, 224 

Sherman, James S., appointment 
of, on conference committee, 
273; advocacy of pure food by, 
277; candidacy of, for Speaker- 
ship. 426; retirement of, 432 

Sherman, W. T., 77, 85; raid led 
by, 84 

Sherman Anti-Trust Act, 396 

Sherman Silver Purchase Act, re- 
peal of. 170, 171, 172; defense 
of, by Hepburn, 172, 173 

Sherman's Hall, convention in, 44 

Shiloh (Mississippi), battle of, 61, 
62 ; incompetency of Grant at, 
62, 360, 361; troops engaged 
at, 361 

Shii)building, stimulation of, 213, 
214, 217 

Shippers, liability of, 248; dam- 
ages to, 252 ; privileges of, 272 ; 
benefit to, 406 

Sidney, 168 

Signal Corps. 305, 427: Charles 
Hepburn in, 421; reorganiza- 
tion of, 421; work of Hepburn 
for, 421 

Sikeston (Missouri), 55 

Silver, coinage of. 133. 134. 175- 
177, 184; use of. for currency, 
170, 171, 175, 176, 177 

Sioux City, 305; G. A. R. en- 
campment at. 339; public 
building in. 372 

Sioux City and Pacific Railway 
Company, 404 

Sioux City Journal, opinion ex- 
pressed in. 253. 405 

Sixteenth Army Corps. 81; in- 
scription on banners of, 82: 
troops in. 366; commander of, 
366 

Sixth General Assembly, officers in, 

26, 27: Hepburn clerk in, 26, 

27, 355 

Sixth Illinois Cavalry. 87. 366, 
3 67 

Sixtieth Congress, work of Hep- 
burn in, 309, 319-327, 378, 
395, 396, 420, 427-429; refer- 
ence to, 319. 327, 412; amend- 
ment of House rules in, 430, 
431 

Sixty-first Congress, 327, 427 

Slavery. 1. 295: opponents of. 14. 
15: question of. 23. 43: attitude 
of political parlies on, 130. 183 



466 



INDEX 



Sleeping-car companies, regulation 
of, 267, 272, 273, 274 

Smith, A. I., candidacy of, for 
Congress, 289, 292, 293, 296, 
297, 298, 299 

Smith, William A., 207 

Smith, William C, activities of, in 
county seat contest, 32-35 

Smith, William Sooy, raid led by, 
84 ; generalship of, 85, 86 

Socialism, 397, 398 

Soldiers, reunion of, 94 ; friend- 
ship of Hepburn for, 94, 119, 
132, 140, 149, 168-170, 343, 
344; endorsement of Republi- 
cans by, 95 ; repudiation of 
Johnson by, 95 ; advocacy of 
pensions for, 117-120; petitions 
of, 119, 120; representation of, 
in Congress, 140 ; opinion of, 
concerning Hepburn, 140, 141, 
343, 344: patriotism of, 340; 
bounties for, 421 

Soldiers' and sailors' national con- 
vention, Hepburn a delegate to, 
in 1868, 95 

Soldiers' and sailors' State conven- 
tion, Hepburn a delegate to, in 
1868, 95 

Soldiers' home, support of, by 
Hepburn, 120 

Solicitor of the Treasury, services 
of Hepburn as, 146, 147-158; 
disposal of patronage bv, 148 : 
duties of, 149, 150, 157, 158; 
special investigations bv, 157, 
158 

Sons of the American Revolution, 
Hepburn in Society of, 350 

Sorsogon Bay, 241, 242 

Soule, Pierre, 390 

South, opportunities in, 88-91; 
feeling of, for North, 89 ; atti- 
tude of Hepburn toward recon- 
struction in. 98 

Southern Pacific Company, 245 

Spanish-American War, 194, 248, 
421; purpose of, 197; result of, 
200; work of Revenue Cutter 
Service in. 417. 418; Charles 
Hepburn in. 436 

Speaker, Henderson as, 208, 425; 
power of, 309, 310, 313, 315, 
316. 320. 324-327, 424, 430; 
candidacv of Hepburn for, 317- 
319, 412. 424, 425, 427; elec- 
tion of Cannon as, 319. 412; 
overthrow of, 333; candidates 
for, 426 

Speaker pro tempore, service of 
Hepburn as, 187 



Speculation, opportunity for, in 
South, 88; effect of, 131, 225; 
regulation of, 427-429 

Spoils system, defense of, by Hep- 
burn,' 188-193 

Spooner, John C, attitude of, on 
canal legislation, 219; opposi- 
tion of, to pure food bill, 281 

Staff dutv, assignment of Hepburn 
to, 70-80 

Standard Oil Company, 410 

Standpatters, attitude of, on tariff, 
226-230; success of, 227, 299, 
300, 336; definition of, 228; 
support of, bv Hepburn, 230, 
291, 293, 295, 296, 331, 332, 
333, 334, 336; defeat of, 294, 
297, 304, 333; organization of, 
297, 298 

Stanlev, D. S., Hepburn praised 
by, "74 

Stanton, Edwin M., criticism of, 
by Wheeler, 120, 121, 122; de- 
fense of, bv Hepburn, 121, 122- 
124 

Starkie's Evidence. 15 

State Department. 351 

State Historical Society of Iowa, 
president of, 351 

State University of Iowa, trustee 
of, 351; Melvina Morsman in, 
353 ; graduation in law school 
of. 371 

States, power of, over interstate 
commerce, 135, 381; exclusion 
of liquor from, 378; aid of, in 
reclamation, 388 

Steam roller, 332, 337 

Steamboat, .iourney on. 6, 7 

Stephen's Pleading, 15 

Stevens. Th.iddeus, 119 

Stipe, William P., campaign man- 
aged by, 297 

Stocks, regulation of gambling in, 
427-429 

Stone, John Y., candidacy of, for 
Congress, 99-104, 179 

Stone, William J., 373 

Stone, William M., 45 

Story County, school funds in, 40, 
41; reference to. 356 

Stove drum, invention of. 369 

Strikes, opposition of Hepburn to, 
388, 401; legalization of, 396 

Strother. B. P., 16. 17 

Stuart, T. M., defeat of, for Con- 
gress, 225 

Sugar, production of, 173, 426, 
427 

Suhi Archipelago, Taft party in, 
241 



INDEX 



467 



Sundry civil appropriation bill, 
canal legislation in, 203, 204; 
amendment of, 203-207; rules 
violated in, 203-207 ; reference 
to, 312, 375, 381 

Superintendent of Immigration, 
156 

Superintendent of Public Instruc- 
tion, Reynolds as, 351 

Supreme Court (Iowa), clerk of, 
14, 350; cases before, 32, 35; 
decision of, 127; Hepburn be- 
fore, 356 

Supreme Court (United States), 
decisions of, 248; reference to, 
259, 266, 381; appeal to, 265 

Surgeon General, 400 

Surratt, Mary E., execution of, 
122, 124 

Surveyor of the Port of New York, 
157 

Swamp land, title to, 46, 358 

Switches, installation of, 272, 273 

Tabor College, 148 ; trustee of, 384 
Tacloban (Philippine Islands), 

Taft party at, 241 
Tacoma (Washington), 382 
Tactics, use of, in war, 422 
Taft, William H., trip of, to Ori- 
ent, 235, 239-242; telegram 
from, 305 ; appointments by, 
307, 308; support of, bv Hen- 
burn, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 
336; administration of, 334, 
335; unpopularity of, 336; de- 
feat of, 337, 338 
Tallahatchie River, 86 
Target practice, Hepburn in favor 

of. 422 
Tariff, attitude of Democrats on, 
130; attitude of Anderson on, 
133, 137; revision of, 166, 170, 
226, 227, 228, 289, 296; atti- 
tude o^ Hepburn on, 226-230 
(see also Protective tariff) 
Tariff commission, 333 
Tawney, -Tames A., attitude of. on 
preparedness, 423 ; candidacy 
of, for Speaker.ship, 426 
Tax. levy of. on watered stock. 
395; regulation of stock ex- 
change by, 428, 429 
Taxation, commission on, 162 
Taylor County, 100, 290, 377 
Tedford. J. H., opinion of, 294 
Telegraph companies, regulation 

of, 267 
Telephone companies, regulation 

of, 267 
Temjjle, M. L., candidacy of, for 



Congress, 162, 164; reference 
to, 307 

Tennessee, desire for peace in, 81 

Tennessee River, 61 

Tenth Congressional District, 291 

Terminal facilities, regulation of, 
249, 264 

Territorial expansion, attitude of 
Hepburn on, 194-198; policy of, 
194, 196; benefits of, 196 

Texas, exports of. 111; cattle 
from, 132; reference to, 181, 
182, 206 

Third Brigade, troops in, 366 

Third Congressional District, cam- 
paign of Hepburn in, 159 

Third General Assembly, 26 

Third Illinois Cavalry, 87 

Third Michigan Cavalry, 361, 366 

Third parties, opposition of Hep- 
burn to, 414 (see also minor 
parties) 

Third United States Cavalry Bat- 
talion, 366 

Thirteenth judicial district, 380 

Thompson, M. Jeff, pursuit of, 54 

Thornell, A. B., 307 

Thummel, Edith H., 385, 435 (see 
also Hepburn, Edith) 

Thummel. Warren F., partnership 
of, with Hepburn, 93 ; marriage 
of, 369 

Thurston, John M.. Hepburn rec- 
ommended by. 146 

Ticket brokerage, attitude of Hep- 
burn on. 404 

Tillman, Benjamin R.. work of, 
on rate bill. 268, 409; work 
of. on conference committee, 
273. 410 

Timber, transportation of, 272, 
274 

Tiptonville (Tennessee), 55, 56, 60 

Tokvo (Japan), Taft party in, 
239, 240 

Toledo, 34 

Tombigbee River, raid in vallev of, 
83. 84. 85 

Toucey, Isaac, arrest of, 122, 124 

Towner, Horace M., tribute of, to 
Hepburn, 344, 345 

Townsend, Charles E., rate bill by, 
251 ; reference to, 254, 265, 
267, 432 

Trade unions, opposition of Hep- 
burn to, 238, 303, 401: recog- 
nition of, 396 

Trade winds, use of, 217, 218 

Trainmen, hours of, 410 

Traitors, treatment of, 124 

Transportation, means of, 108 ; 



468 



INDEX 



problem of, 131; work of Hep- 
burn on problem of, 163, 164, 
243-275, 410; definition of, 264 
(see also Railroads and Rail- 
road regulation) 

Treasury Commission, Hepburn 
chairman of, 157 

Treasury Department, legal ad- 
viser of, 150; administration of 
immigration by, 151, 154, 155, 
156; currency policy of, 174; 
drain on, 375 (see also Secre- 
tary of the Treasury) 

Treasury notes, defense of, by 
Hepburn, 172, 173 

Treaties, abrogation of, 212 

Truce, Hepburn with flag of, 81, 
87 

Trusdell, C. G., praise of Hepburn 
bv, 74 

Trusts, 131, 259; attitude of Hep- 
burn toward, 163, 164, 229, 
230, 394, 395; growth of, 225; 
regulation of, 225, 229, 230, 
296, 333, 334, 394, 395, 427; 
corruption of, 262 (see also 
Corporations and Monopoly) 

Turkey Creek, 7 

Turner, Dan W., advice of Hep- 
burn to, 290 ; candidacy of, for 
Congress, 433 

Twenty Mile Creek, engagement 
on, 68 

Twenty-first General Assembly, 
resolution of, 138 

Unanimous consent, 202, 203, 
211, 281, 378; opposition of 
Hepburn to, 429 
Unemployment, cause of, 172 
Uniform, discomfort of, 73 
Union army, control of, 121 (see 
also Soldiers and Grand Army 
of the Republic) 
Union County, 100, 102, 186, 377 
Union Pacific Railroad, 146, 245; 

value of, 246 
Unions (see Trade imions) 
United States, balance of trade 
for, 173; credit of, 175, 176; 
debt of, 176: imperialism of, 
194, 196, 197, 198; pronunci- 
ation of words, by Hepburn, 
199; control of isthmian canal 
by, 209. 210, 212, 213, 216; 
shipbuilding in, 213, 214, 217; 
recognition of Panama by, 220, 
221; grant of canal zone to, 
221; ])rosperity of, 228, 229; 
defense of. 235; policy of. in 
Philippines, 240, 241; claims 



of, against Pacific railroads, 
244-247; immigration to, 397, 
398; leprosy in, 399, 400; pre- 
paredness of, 423 ; sugar trust 
in, 426 

Van Dorn, Earl, battle with, 77 

Van Meter, 94 

Vermont, first Governor of, 4 ; 
Congressman from, 5 

Vicksburg (Mississippi), 84, 85, 
305 

Villisca, railroad to, 94 ; ovation 
for Hepburn at, 104 

Virginia, 43 

Volunteers, call for, 48 

Voters, independence of, 131; ob- 
ligations of, 237, 434; responsi- 
bility of, 433, 434 

Voting, compulsory, 434 

Wadsworth, Representative, 119 

Wages, rise of, 183 

Waite, J. L., opinion of, 294 

Wall Street, 428 

Wallace, Henry, influence of, 138; 
relations of, with Hepburn, 231, 
232, 233, 234, 253, 254, 258- 
263, 289, 407; attitude of, on 
railroad regulation, 232, 233; 
attitude of, toward Hepburn 
bill, 405. 406 

Wallaces' Farmer, 231, 258; open 
letter in, 232, 233 

Wanger, Irving P., opinion of 
Hepburn expressed by, 222 

War, attitude of Hepburn toward, 
57, 58; participation of Reve- 
nue Cutter Service in, 418-420 

War Department, 75, 358, 422 
(see also Secretary of War) 

War of 1812, 3, 4 

Ward's Island, immigrant stations 
on, 152, 154 

Warehouses, 157 

Warner, Andrew J., criticism of, 
by Hepburn, 118 

Washington, George, 4 

Washington (D. C.), burning of, 
3. 4; trip of Hepburn to, 46, 
106, 145, 167; reference to. 49, 
96, 99, 169, 218, 318, 339, 
340. 353, 358, 408; lobby in, 
208; law practice in, 308,330; 
property of Hepburn in, 329; 
G. A. R. encampment in, 435; 
Mrs. Hepburn in, 436 

Washington. Territory of, 140 

Watered stock, 395 

Waterloo, convention in, 300; vis- 
it of Hepburn to, 415 



INDEX 



Watson"s landing, 59 

Wayne County, 166, 186, 377 ' 

Ways^and Means, Committee on, 

Wealth attitude of Hepburn to- 
ward, 328, 329 

„•' > T?' .^•^"= attitude of, to- 
vvard Hei.burn, 129, 130; reply 
ot Hepburn to, 130, 380; de- 
bate of Hepburn with, 159- 
campaif;n of, 378-381 
VVebb-Kenyon Act 3 78 

Webster City, Republican conven- 
tion in, 36; debate at, 38: ref- 
erence to, 40, 379 

Webster County, 44 3 56 

Weller, L. H., "379 

Wellsville (Ohio), appearance of 
1; dragoons at, 1; Hepburn 
born at, 1; merchant at, 5 

West Point (Io^ya), Hepburn on 
farm near, 11 

West Point (Mississippi), skirmish 
at, o4, oj 

West Point (New York), James 
b. Hepburn at, 3; work of 

f»''*l"f . ."^' ^^«- 111: having 
at, 421, 422 

Western Cattle Growers" Associa- 
tion, 232 
Western Pacific Railroad, 404 
Wheat, production of 111 
Wheeler, Joseph, debate of Hep- 
burn with, 120-125 
Wheelin- (Virginia), 6 
A^hite House, 3, 46, 139, 166 
Whitehead, George W., Hepburn 
congratulated by, 166; reference 
to, 385 
Wickershain, George W., 330 
Wigwam, convention in, 44 



469 



Wiley, Harvey W., defense of by 

Hepburn, 330 ' ' 

VVilhams, John S., 414 
^V.jmot, David, keynote speech by. 
Wilson, James, support of Hep- 

38> f/''- I'i^' -■'«■ •'"'• ••'^S. 

307,' 308 '" "'■ "^''^'^"'■'' ^'"•• 
Wilson, James F., 43, 179. 308, 

^82 , election of, to Senate. 140, 

Windom, William, 151 
Winnebago County, 356 
^Vlsconsin, Representative from. 
Witte, Max E., 286 
Wolves, depredations of, 8 
Woman suffrage, support of. by 

flepburn, 399 ' 

Woman Suffrage. Committee on. 

Hepburn on, 376; reference to. 

Women, rights of, 398, 399 

\\ omen's Christian Temperance 

Union, convention of, 159 
Woodbury. Q. M., 30 
Woodin, George D., 26 
Wnrld War, 340, 362, 421 
W,)rth Count.y, 350 
^\ right County, 356 
W^vman, Walter, 400 

Yellow Creek, 6 

Yokahama (Japan), Taft party 
in, 239, 242 

Young, Lafayette, 100, 300; men- 
tion of, for Congress, 102 

Zamboanga (Philippine Islands) 
Taft part>.in, 241 



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